奥巴马2016国情咨文中英翻译对照版
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President Obama's 2016 State of the Union Address 奥巴马总统2016年的国情咨文
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the
Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.
议长先生,副总统先生,国会议员,我的美国同胞们:
今晚的第八个年头,我来这里的国情咨文报告痕。而对于这最后一节,我会尽量把它缩短。我知道你们有些坐立不安,回到爱荷华州。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.
我也明白,因为它是一个选举季节,为我们将实现今年的预期较低。然而,议长先生,我很欣赏你和其他领导人采取了在去年年底通过财政预算案,使减税永久工薪家庭的建设性态度。所以,我希望我们能在今年携手像刑事司法改革两党的优先事项,并帮助人们谁是争夺处方药滥用。我们也许会再次带来惊喜的愤世嫉俗者。
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write
computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken
immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.
但是今晚,我想去方便的提议未来一年中传统的名单上。别担心,我已经得到了很多,从帮助学生学会编写计算机代码,以个性化的药物治疗的患者。我会继续推动上仍然需要做的工作进展情况。修复一个破碎的移民制度。从枪支暴力保护我们的孩子。平等同工同酬,带薪休假,提高最低工资标准。所有这些事情还关系到努力工作的家庭;他们仍然是正确的事情;我不会让,直到他们得到完成。
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.
但我的最终地址,这间密室,我不想谈只是明年。我希望把重点放在未来五年,十年,甚至更远。
I want to focus on our future. 我要专注于我们的未来。
We live in a time of extraordinary change?—?change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
我们生活在一个巨大的变化的时间 - 改变多数民众赞成重新塑造我们的生活方式,我们的工作方式,我们的星球和我们在世界上的地位。它的变化,承诺惊人的医学突破,而且还应变工薪家庭的经济混乱。它承诺教育在最偏远的乡村女孩,而且还连接恐怖分子策划的海洋了。它的变化是可以扩大的机会,或扩大的不平等。而无论我们喜欢与否,这种变化的步伐只会加快。
America has been through big changes before?—?wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the \and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did?—?because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril?—?we emerged stronger and better than before.
美国已经通过之前的大变化 - 战争和抑郁症,移民的涌入,工人争取一个公平的交易,和运动扩大公民权利。每一次,有过那些谁告诉我们担心未来;谁声称我们可以踩住刹车的变化,承诺要恢复昔日的辉煌,如果我们只是得到了一些团体或想法得到控制威胁美国。而每一次,我们克服了这些担忧。我们没有,在林肯的话,坚持以“静谧过去的教条。”相反,我们认为再起,重新采取行动。我们做出的改变为我们工作,始终延长美国的对外承诺,到下一个前沿领域,越来越多的人。因为我们做了 - 因为我们看到了机会,在别人只看到了危险 - 我们出现了比以前更强,更好。
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation?—?our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity
and commitment to the rule of law?—?these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.
什么是真,那么现在是真实的。我们的独特优势,作为一个民族 - 我们的乐观和职业道德,我们的发现和创新,我们的多样性和承诺的精神,法治 - 这些事情给我们,我们需要确保繁荣和安全世世代代的一切。
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
事实上,它是本着这种精神,使这些过去的七年中可能的进度。这就是我们从最坏的经济危机几代恢复。这是我们如何改革我们的医疗系统,并彻底改造我们的能源部门;我们如何提供更多的照顾和福利,以我们的军队和退伍军人,以及我们如何保护自由在每一个国家结婚,我们所爱的人。
But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
但是,这种进步并非是不可避免的。这是选择的结果,我们一起做。而我们面临这样的选择现在。我们会在我们这个时代的恐惧的变化做出反应,内旋作为一个国家,并把对对方的一个人呢?还是我们面对未来的信心,我们是谁,我们的主张,以及令人难以置信的事情,我们可以一起做?
So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer?—?regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.
所以,让我们来谈谈未来,我们作为一个国家必须回答以下四个大问题 - 不管是谁的下一任总统,或者谁控制了下届国会。
First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
首先,我们如何给大家一个公平的机会,在机会和安全在这个新经济? Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against
us?—?especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?
其次,我们如何让我们的技术工作,而不是反对我们 - 尤其是当它涉及到解决气候变化等紧迫的挑战是什么?
Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
第三,我们如何保持美国的安全并引领世界没有成为其警察?
And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?
最后,我们怎样才能使我们的政治中体现什么是最好的我们,没有什么是最糟糕的?
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters. 让我先从经济,一个基本的事实:美国的美国,现在,拥有最强,最持久的经济体在世界上。我们在私营部门创造了历史任务的最长连胜的中间。超过14万个新的就业机会;最强两年了上世纪90年代就业增长;失业率降低一半。我们的汽车工业刚度过有史以来最好的一年。制造业已在过去六年里创造近90万辆新的就业机会。而我们所做的这一切,同时削减我们的赤字将近四分之三。 Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true?—?and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious?—?is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be
automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise.
Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
任何人都声称,美国经济正处于衰退的兜售虚构。什么是真实的 - 而原因,很多美国人感到焦虑 - 就是经济已经改变深刻的方式,即开始了漫长的大萧条爆发之前并没有松懈的变化。如今,技术不只是替代流水线上工作,但任何工作在那里工作可以自动化。公司在全球经济中可以找到的任何地方,而面对更激烈的竞争。这样一来,工人加薪少的杠杆作用。公司有自己的社区的忠诚度更低。而越来越多的财富和收入集中在最高层。
All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and
tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
所有这些趋势都挤工人,即使他们有工作;即使在经济增长。它是由更难一个勤劳的家庭拉自己摆脱贫困,更难让年轻人开始自己的职业生涯,以及更严格的工人退休时,他们希望。尽管所有这些趋势是美国特有的,他们冒犯了独特的美国相信,大家谁努力工作,应该得到一个公平的机会。
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.
在过去的七年中,我们的目标一直是经济增长的作品为大家好。我们已经取得了进展。但是,我们需要做更多。尽管所有的政治争论,我们已经有这几年,有一些地方的美国人广泛认同。
We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. 我们认为,真正的机会,要求每一个美国人都得到他们所需要的土地了良好的高薪工作的教育和培训。不让一个孩子掉队的两党改革是一个重要的开始,并在一起,我们已经增加了儿童早期教育,提升高中毕业率再创新高,并在诸如工程领域推动毕业生。在未来几年,我们应该建立并以此为基础,通过为所有人提供学前班,提供每一个学生,使他们的工作,准备在一天之内,我们应该招募和支持更多的大动手计算机科学和数学课老师为我们的孩子。
And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community
college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.
而且我们要上得起大学为每一个美国人。因为没有用功的学生应停留在红色。我们已经降低学生贷款支付给借款人的收入的百分之十。现在,我们实际上已经得到了削减大学的费用。提供了2年社区学院在没有成本为每一个负责任的学生是做到这一点的最佳途径之一,而我将继续战斗,以获取今年开工。
Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and
retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.
当然,良好的教育是不是所有我们需要在这个新经济。我们还需要利益和保护提供安全的基本措施。毕竟,这不是太大的舒展地说,一些只有人在美国谁去工作同样的工作,在同一个地方,同一个健康和退休金,30年的,都在座。对于其他人,在他们的四十年代和五十年代尤其是乡亲,为退休储蓄或失去工作反弹已经得到了很多强硬。美国人明白,在他们职业生涯的某个时刻,他们可能不得不重新装备和再培训。但他们不应该失去他们已经辛辛苦苦建立。
That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law. 这就是为什么社会保障和医疗保险比以往任何时候都更加重要;我们不应该削弱他们,我们应该加强他们。而对于美国人短退休的,基本的利益应该是一样的移动今天一切的。这是支付得起的医疗法案的全部意义所在。这是关于填充雇主为基础的护理的空白,这样当我们失去工作,或者回到学校,或启动新的业务,我们仍然有覆盖。近1800万已经获得覆盖为止。医疗保健通胀已经放缓。而我们的企业创造就业岗位的每一个月份,因为它成为法律。
Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a
hardworking American loses his job?—?we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.
现在,我猜我们不会对医疗同意很快。但是,应该有其他的方式,双方可以提高经济安全。假设一个勤劳的美国人失去工作 - 我们不应该只是保证他可以得到失业保险金;我们应该确保项目鼓励他接受再培训的一个企业,是准备聘请他。
如果新的工作并没有付出多少,应该有地方工资保险制度,使他仍然可以支付他的账单。即使他的工作去工作,他应该还是能为退休储蓄,并采取自己的积蓄与他。这就是我们所做的新的经济合作为大家更好的方式。
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.
我也知道音箱瑞恩谈到了自己在解决贫困问题的兴趣。美国是给予每个人都愿意工作的手了,我会欢迎有关战略进行认真的讨论,我们都可以支持,比如扩大减税对低收入劳动者没有孩子。
But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years?—?namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.
但也有它一直比较难找协议在过去的七年里其他领域 - 即什么样的作用,政府应在确保系统发挥不是有利于富有的和最大的公司的操纵。在这里,美国人民有选择地进行。
I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over
long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.
我相信,一个蓬勃发展的私营部门是我们经济的命脉。我觉得有过时的法规需要更改的,这里面的繁文缛节,需要被削减。但经过多年创纪录的企业利润,工薪家庭不会得到通过让大银行或大的油或对冲基金在其他人的费用使自己的规则,有更多的机会和更大的薪水;或者通过允许在集体谈判的攻击置之不理。食品券收件人并没有引起金融危机的影响;鲁莽华尔街一样。移民是不是这个原因工资没有涨够;这些决定是在经常放完了长期回报的季度财报的会议室进行。这肯定不是一般家庭观看今晚,避免通过海外账户纳税。在这种新经济中,工人和初创
企业和小企业需要更多的发言权,而不是更少。该规则应适用于他们。而今年我打算举起谁已经想通了,他们的工人的权利这样做最终是有利于股东,客户,和他们的社区,这样我们就可以分布在美国这些最佳做法的许多企业。
In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?
事实上,我们的许多最佳企业公民也是我们最有创意的。这使我的第二个大问题,我们必须作为一个国家来回答:我们如何重新点燃创新的精神迎接我们最大的挑战是什么?
Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.
六十年前,当俄罗斯人击败了我们进入太空,我们不否认人造地球卫星是在那里。我们没有争论的科学,或缩小我们的研究和发展预算。我们建立了一个太空计划几乎在一夜之间,并十二年后,我们在月球上行走。
That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.
发现这种精神是我们的DNA。我们是托马斯·爱迪生和莱特兄弟和乔治·华盛顿雕刻。我们是格雷斯漏斗和凯瑟琳·约翰逊和萨利·莱德。我们每个移民和企业家从波士顿到奥斯汀硅谷赛车塑造一个更美好的世界。在过去的七年里,我们已经培养出这种精神。
We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.
我们保护一个开放的互联网,并采取大胆的新措施,以获得更多的学生和低收入的美国人在网上。我们已经推出了新一代的制造中心和在线工具,让他或她需要创业的单日企业家的一切。
But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new
national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission
Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.
但是,我们可以做的更多。去年,副总统拜登表示,随着新的登月,美国能够治愈癌症。上个月,他曾与该国会给予科学家在美国国立卫生研究院,他们已经在过去十年最强的资源。今晚,我宣布一个新的国家的努力来完成它。而且因为他走了在垫子上对我们所有人来说,这么多的问题,在过去四十年,我把乔负责任务控制的。对于亲人,我们已经失去了一切,为家人,我们依然可以保存,让我们美国的治愈癌症一劳永逸的国家。
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.
医学研究是至关重要的。我们需要承担相同级别的,当涉及到发展清洁能源。 Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.
你看,如果有人还想争议围绕气候变化的科学,有它。你会很孤独,因为你会辩论我军,大多数美国的商业领袖,广大美国人民,几乎整个科学界,和世界各地的200个国家谁同意这是一个问题,并打算解决它。
But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record?—?until 2015 turned out even hotter?—?why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? 但是,即使地球上没有的股权;即使2014年是不是有记录以来最热的一年 - 在2015年之前横空出世更热 - 为什么我们想通过一个上升的机会为美国企业生产和销售的未来的能源?
Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal?—?in jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy?—?something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.
七年前,我们在我们的历史中清洁能源的最大单一投资。下面是结果。在来自爱荷华州到得克萨斯领域,风电现在比脏,常规电力更便宜。在屋顶上,从亚利桑那州到纽约,太阳能是节省了数千万美元一年在他们的能源账单的美国人,拥有
员工超过煤炭更多的美国人 - 在薪酬高于平均水平的工作。我们正在采取措施,使房主自由生成和存储他们自己的能量 - 这是环保主义者和茶党联手支持。同时,我们已经下调了进口外国石油的近百分之六十,并减少碳污染超过地球上任何其他国家。
Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either. 不到两块钱一加仑汽油也不错,无论是。
Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future?—?especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.
现在,我们必须加快转变远离肮脏的能源。而不是补贴的过去,我们应该为未来投资 - 尤其是在依赖化石燃料的社区。这就是为什么我要推到改变我们管理我们的石油和煤炭资源的方式,使他们更好地反映它们给纳税人和我们这个星球上的成本。这样一来,我们把钱放回这些社区,把成千上万的美国人几十工作打造一个21世纪的交通运输体系。
None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve?—?that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.
这一切都不是一朝一夕的事,是的,有很多谁想要保护现状的既得利益。但创造的就业机会将创建,钱,我们保存和这个星球,我们将保留 - 这是怎样的未来我们的孩子和孙子们应该得到的。
Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.
气候变化是在那里我们的安全链接到世界其他地区的许多问题之一。这就是为什么我们必须回答的第三个大问题是如何保持美国的安全和强大的没有任何隔离自己,或者试图民族构建无处不有问题。
I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military
than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead?—?they call us.
我告诉你,美国的经济衰退早期大家都在谈论的是政治热空气。好了,所以你知道我们的敌人越来越强大,美国越来越弱的言论。美国美国是地球上最强大的国家。期。它甚至还没有接近。我们比接下来的八个国家的总和更多的钱花在我们的军队。我们的军队是世界历史上最优秀的战斗力量。没有一个国家敢攻击我们或我们的盟友,因为他们知道这是毁了路径。调查显示,我们的地位在世界各地是不是当我被选为这个办公室更高,当它涉及到每一个重要的国际问题,世界人民不看北京或莫斯科领导 - 他们给我们打电话。
As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a
transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in
transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria?—?states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.
正如有人天天谁开始的情报简报,我知道这是一个危险的时刻。但是,这是因为美国的减弱强度或一些若隐若现的超级大国没有。在今天的世界上,我们的威胁较少受到邪恶帝国和更受失败国家。中东正在经历一个转型,将发挥出了一代,植根于可追溯千年的冲突。经济逆风从中国经济的打击过渡。即使他们的经济合同,俄罗斯正在投入大量资源来支撑乌克兰和叙利亚 - 各州他们看到滑倒远离自己的轨道。我们在二战后建立的国际体系,现在努力跟上这种新的现实步伐。
It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.
这是由我们来协助改造该系统。这意味着我们必须确定优先次序。
Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.
优先级排名第一是保护美国人民和恐怖网络后继续前进。无论基地组织现在ISIL构成直接威胁到我们的人,因为在今天的世界上,即使是少数恐怖分子谁把对人的生命没有价值,包括他们自己的,可以做很多的伤害。他们利用互联网来毒害我们的国家内个人的头脑;他们破坏了我们的盟友。
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national
existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are?—?killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
但是,当我们专注于摧毁ISIL,过度的顶声称这是第三次世界大战刚玩到他们手中。在皮卡和扭曲的灵魂绘制在公寓或车库后面的战士群众造成巨大威胁平民,必须停止。但他们并没有威胁到我们国家的存在。这就是故事ISIL要告诉;这是他们用来招募的那种宣传。我们不需要建立起来,表明我们是认真的,我们也不需要推开的重要盟友,在这场斗争呼应的谎言,ISIL是代表世界上最大的宗教之一。我们只需要打电话给他们什么,他们是 - 杀手,谁必须铲除狂热分子,追杀,并销毁。
That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
这正是我们正在做的。对于一年多来,美国已导致60多个国家的联盟切断ISIL的融资,打乱他们的阴谋,阻止恐怖战士的流动,并加盖了他们的恶毒的意识形态。拥有近万空袭,我们采取了他们的领导,他们的石油,他们的训练营,和他们的武器。我们正在训练,装备和支撑力谁是在伊拉克和叙利亚的不断开垦的领地。
If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a
message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment?—?or mine?—?to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi
attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.
如果本次大会是严重赢得这场战争,并希望将消息发送到我们的军队和世界,你应该最终授权使用武力打击ISIL。取票。但是,美国人民应该知道,有或没有国会的行动,ISIL将学习同样的教训在他们面前的恐怖分子。如果你怀疑美国的承诺 - 或者雷 - 看到正义得到伸张,要求拉登。向基地组织在也门,谁被取出来,去年还是班加西的袭击行为人,谁在监狱牢房坐的领导者。当你来到美国后,我们以后你走。这可能需要时间,但我们有很长的回忆,而我们的目标,没有限制。 Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world?—?in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
我们的外交政策必须着重于从ISIL和基地组织的威胁,但不能停在那里。对于即使没有ISIL,不稳定将持续几十年来在世界许多地方 - 在中东,在阿富汗和巴基斯坦,中美洲,非洲和亚洲部分地区。有些地方可能会成为避风港新的恐怖网络;别人会牺牲品种族冲突,或饥荒,难民饲养的下一个浪潮。这世界指望我们来帮助解决这些问题,我们的回答需要超过不讲情面或来电地毯式轰炸平民。这可能作为一个电视的声音咬,但它不符合要求在世界舞台上。
We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq?—?and we should have learned it by now.
我们也不能试图接管和重建陷入危机的每一个国家。这是不是领导;这是一个良方泥潭,美国溢出鲜血和财富,最终削弱我们。这是越南伊拉克,的教训 - 我们应该学会了现在。
Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.
幸运的是,还有一个更聪明的方法,耐心和纪律的策略,使用我国国力的每个元素。它说: 美国总是采取行动,独自一人,如果有必要,保护我们的人民和我们的盟友;但在全球关注的问题,我们将动员世界与我们合作,并确保其他国家把他们自己的体重。
That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.
这是我们的冲突如叙利亚,在那里我们与当地部队和领先国际的努力,帮助那些破坏社会追求持久和平建立伙伴关系的方法。
That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
这就是为什么我们建立了一个全球的联盟,与制裁和原则性的外交政策,以防止一个核武装的伊朗。正如我们所说,伊朗已回滚其核计划,运出其铀储存,和世界已经避免了另一场战争。
That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.
这是我们如何停止在西部非洲的埃博拉病毒的传播。我们的军队、我们的医生和我们发展工人设置了允许其他国家加入我们消灭这种流行病的平台。
That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.
这就是我们如何伪造跨太平洋伙伴关系,开放市场、保护工人和环境,和推动美国在亚洲的领导地位。它 18,000 减税产品制造在美国,并支持更多的好工作。与 TPP,中国并不在该地区设置的规则,我们所做的。你想在这个世纪展示我们的力量吗?批准这一协定。给我们的工具来执行它。
Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.
五十年的孤立古巴未能促进民主,设置我们回在拉丁美洲。这为什么我们恢复了外交关系,旅游、商业、开门并定位自己来改善古巴人民的生活。你想要巩固我们的领导能力和信誉在半球?认识到冷战已经结束。解除禁运。
American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world?—?except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding
whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change?—?that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a
decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria?—?something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
美国在 21 世纪领导地位不是无视世界其他地区之间的选择——除了当我们杀死恐怖分子;或占领和重建无论社会正在瓦解。领导能力意味着军事力量和反弹背后原因,是对世界的明智的应用程序。它意味着看到我国的对外援助作为我们国家的安全,不是慈善行为的一部分。当我们导致将近 200 个国家在历史上最雄心勃勃的协议,以应对气候变化——这有助于脆弱的国家,但它也能保护我们的孩子。当我们帮助乌克兰保卫它的民主或哥伦比亚决心数十年之久的战争,加强国际秩序的时候,我们依靠。当我们帮助非洲国家养活自己的人们,照顾病人,防止下一场流行病到达我们的海岸。现在,我们会如期结束艾滋病毒/艾滋病的祸害,我们有能力来完成同样的事情与疟疾——我会推动基金今年这个国会的东西。
That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.
这就是力量。这就是领导。这种领导取决于我们榜样的力量。这就为什么我会继续努力,关闭关塔那摩监狱: 它是昂贵的它没有必要,而且它只作为招聘手册为我们的敌人。
That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of
understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that \
murderers is the best way to take their place.\when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.
这就是为什么我们需要拒绝任何目标人由于种族的政治或宗教。这不是正确性的一项政治上。这是生死攸关的理解使我们强大。世界尊重我们不只是为我们阿森纳;它尊重我们为我们的多样性和我们的开放,我们尊重每一种信仰的方式。他的圣洁,教皇 Francis 告诉这个身体从非常现货我站今晚,\模仿的仇恨和暴力的那些暴君和杀人犯都是最好的方式来取代他们的位置。\当政客侮辱穆斯林,毁坏了一座清真寺,或孩子欺负时,那不会让我们更安全。不说就这样。它是错误的。它减少我们在全世界的目光。它很难实现我们的目标。它背叛了我们作为一个国家是谁。 \\我们人民\。
Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.
我们的宪法开始与这三个简单的字,我们就是要认识到的单词的意思是所有的人,不只是一些;坚持我们在一起的潮起潮落的单词。这使我想到第四,和也许最重要的事情我想要今晚说。
The future we want?—?opportunity and security for our families; a rising
standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids?—?all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.
我们想要的未来——机会与安全为我们的家庭;生活水平的提高和可持续的、和平的星球,为我们的孩子——是我们力所能及的一切。但它只会发生,如果我们在一起工作。它只会发生如果我们可以有理性、建设性的辩论。 It will only happen if we fix our politics. 它只会发生如果我们解决我们的政治。
A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.
更好的政治并不意味着我们已经达成的一切。这是一个大的国家,不同地区和态度与利益。这也是我们的强项之一。我们的创始人分布国家和政府部门之间的权力和预期我们认为,就像他们做的事情的大小和形状的政府,在商业和外交关系,在自由的意义和安全的迫切需要。
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It
doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all,
democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.
但是民主需要基本的债券,其公民之间的信任。它不工作,如果我们认为那些与我们意见不同的人都是出于恶意,或政治上的对手都不爱国。民主嘎然而止不愿意妥协;或当连基本事实展开了争辩,和我们只听那些同意我们在一起的人。我们的公共生活凋谢时只有最极端的声音得到关注。最重要的是,民主分解时,一般人觉得他们的声音并不重要;该系统是操纵选举,偏向富人或强大或一些狭隘的利益。
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency?—?that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.
太多美国人觉得方式现在。这是我担任主席的几个遗憾之一——,怨恨和各方之间的猜疑已经变得更糟而不是更好。毫无疑问的是总统林肯的礼品或罗斯福可能更好地弥合鸿沟,和我保证我会继续努力,要更好,只要我担任这个职务。 But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task?—?or any President's?—?alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.但是,我的同胞,这不可能是我的任务——或任何总统——孤独。有好多的乡亲在这个会议厅内希望看到更多的合作,在华盛顿,但感觉困由当选的要求更高的辩论。我知道;你告诉我。如果我们想要一个更好的政治,这并不足够,只需更改一名国会议员或参议员或甚至会主席;我们要改变这个制度,反映了我们美好的一面。
We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections?—?and if our existing approach to
campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and
modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.
我们要结束绘制我们的国会选区,政客们可以选择他们的选民,而不是其他的做法。我们必须降低我们的政治,货币的影响,少量的家庭和隐藏的利益不能为我们的选举提供资金——如果我们现有的方法对竞选资金不能在法院过关,我们需要共同努力,真正的解决办法。我们要做的投票更容易,不是更难,和现代化为我们现在的生活的方式。这一年,当然,我打算走遍全国,争取做的改革。
But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process?—?in not just who gets elected but how they get elected?—?that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people
但不能这样做我自己。我们的政治过程中的变化——不只是选了谁人但他们如何选举——这只会发生时,美国人民要求它。它将取决于你。这是一个由,并为人民的政府什么意思。
What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.
我问的是硬的。它是容易愤世嫉俗;要接受变化不是可能的而政治就是无可救药,并相信我们的声音和行动不重要。但如果我们现在放弃了,然后我们舍弃更美好的未来。那些拥有金钱和权力将获得的决定,可以发送一个年轻的士兵战争,或允许另一场经济灾难,或回滚的平等权利和投票权利几代美国人曾经奋斗过,就算死了,争取更大的控制权。随着挫折,都会有声音催促我们要跌回到部落,当替罪羊同胞们不要看上去像我们,像我们一样,祈祷或投票象我们这样做,或共享相同的背景。
We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.
我们不能沿着这条道路走。它不会提供我们想要的经济或安全我们想要但最重要的是,这违背了一切,让我们羡慕的世界。
So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.
所以,我的美国同胞们,无论你可能相信,无论你是喜欢一个缔约方或任何一方,我们共同的未来取决于你愿意作为一个公民履行你的义务。投票。要说出来。站起来为他人,尤其是软弱的人,尤其是弱势群体,知道我们每个人都只在这里因为有人在某个地方,我们站了起来。所以它反映了善良和涵养和乐观,我看到美国人民每一天都保持活跃在我们的公共生活。
It won't be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen?—?inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word?—?voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love. 它并不容易。我们的品牌是民主的硬的。但我可以保证,从现在起的一年,当我不再担任办公室主任,我会就在那里与你作为一个公民——灵感来自那些声音公平和视觉、砂砾和良好的幽默感和善良,帮助美国旅行得很远。帮助我们的声音不首先把自己看作是黑色或白色或亚洲或拉丁美洲人,不是同性恋还是异性恋,移民或土生土长的本地人;不作为民主党人或共和党人,但作为美国人首先,遵守共同的信条。金博士的声音相信会有最终的定论——武装的真理和无条件的爱的声音。
They're out there, those voices. They don't get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.
他们就在那儿,那些声音。他们没有得到大量的注意力,也不是他们寻求它,但他们正忙着做这项工作需要做这个国家。
I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you're there. You're the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.
我看到他们无处不在我在这个令人难以置信的国家,我们的旅行。我看见你了。我知道你在那里。你是我这种难以置信的信心在我们的未来的原因。因为我看到你安静、坚固的公民所有的时间。
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.
我看到它在装配线计时加班加点继续开放,他的公司和老板付钱给他更高的工资以保持他在船上的工作人员。
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.
我看到它在追梦人熬夜到很晚来完成她的科学项目和老师早进来,因为他知道她有一天可能治愈的疾病。
I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over?—?and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester
determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.
我看到它在美国人担任他的时间和梦想的开始——和企业主给他的第二次机会。抗议者决心证明那正义事项和年轻的缔约方会议群英,对待每个人都尊重,做勇敢、安静的保护我们的安全工作。
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.
我看到它在给出了几乎一切保存他的兄弟们,这位倾向于他,直到他可以跑马拉松,护士和排队为他加油,社会的战士。
It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he's been taught.
它是发现勇气来作为他是谁,儿子和的父亲对儿子的爱压倒一切他教。
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.
我看到它在老妇人会排队等候投她一票,只要她有新公民投他第一次;那些相信每一张选票在民意测验的志愿者应该算,因为他们以不同的方式每个人都知道多少的珍贵权利的价值。
That's the America I know. That's the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong. 这就是我所知道的美国。这是我们所热爱的国家。保持清醒的头脑。洒脱。乐观的武装的真理与无条件的爱将有最终决定权。那是什么让我如此对我们的未来充满希望。因为你。我相信你。这就是为什么我站在这里相信我们联合的状态是强烈。
谢谢你,上帝保佑你,上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
它是发现勇气来作为他是谁,儿子和的父亲对儿子的爱压倒一切他教。
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.
我看到它在老妇人会排队等候投她一票,只要她有新公民投他第一次;那些相信每一张选票在民意测验的志愿者应该算,因为他们以不同的方式每个人都知道多少的珍贵权利的价值。
That's the America I know. That's the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong. 这就是我所知道的美国。这是我们所热爱的国家。保持清醒的头脑。洒脱。乐观的武装的真理与无条件的爱将有最终决定权。那是什么让我如此对我们的未来充满希望。因为你。我相信你。这就是为什么我站在这里相信我们联合的状态是强烈。
谢谢你,上帝保佑你,上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
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