2010奥巴马国情咨文(中英文版)
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2010奥巴马国情咨文全文(中英文版)
2月24日晚,奥巴马总统在美国国会参众两院发表国情咨文。以下是国情咨文的全文,由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据白宫新闻秘书办公室提供的记录稿翻译。
总统:议长女士,副总统先生,各位国会议员,美国第一夫人——(掌声)——她就在附近。
今晚,我来到这里,不仅向这个宏伟大厅中在座的各位杰出人士发表讲话,而且向推选我们来到这里的男女民众进行坦率和直接的交谈。
我知道,对于现在正在收看转播的很多美国人来说,我国的经济现状令人担忧,压倒了所有其他的问题。 这一点千真万确。如果你本人尚未受到这场衰退的影响,但在你认识的人中间,或许有人───朋友、邻居,或是家庭成员已受到波及。你无须再了解一系列数字,就知道我们的经济陷入了危机,因为你每天都身临其境,使你日有所虑,夜不能寐。你原以为能保持这份工作直到退休,现在却不幸失去了工作;你原希望通过创业编织梦想,现在自己的事业却危在旦夕;你的子女收到了大学录取通知,但不得已只能束之高阁。这场衰退的影响已确凿无疑,无处不在。
尽管我国经济可能已被削弱,我们的信心可能已发生动摇;尽管我们正经历困难重重、前途不明的时期,但今晚,我希望每一个美国人知道:我们决心重建,我们必将复苏,美利坚合众国一定会获得新生,比以往更强盛。(掌声)
这场危机的重压不可能左右这个国家的命运。解决我们的种种问题的答案并非遥不可及。问题的答案就在我们的实验室和大学中;就在我们的田野上和工厂里;就蕴藏在我国创业者的想象力和地球上最勤劳的人民的豪情壮志之中。这些品质使美国成为人类历史上进步与繁荣的最伟大的力量,我们依然充分拥有这些品质。现在必须做的是,全国上下齐心协力,勇敢地迎接我们面临的各种挑战,再度为我们的未来承担责任。(掌声)
开诚布公地说,我们现在必须承认,长期以来,无论是作为一个国家的政府,或是作为一个国家的人民,我们未能做到时时刻刻履行这些职责。我这么说并不是为了怪罪于谁,也不是为了追究过去,而是因为只有了解我们怎么会走到这个地步,我们才能摆脱这一困境。
事实是,我国经济陷入衰退并非一朝一夕之力。我们面临的所有问题也并非一概始于房市崩溃或股市滑坡。几十年来,我们一直都清楚我们的生存有赖于找到新的能源。然而,今天,我们进口的石油却超过以往任何时候。年复一年,高昂的医疗费用日益侵蚀我们的储蓄,然而医疗改革却一再延误。我们的下一代需要在全球经济中参与竞争,但我们很多的学校却未能培养他们的这种能力。尽管这些难题一直都未得到解决,但我们无论作为个人还是通过我们的政府,依然比以往任何时候都支出更多,负债更重。
换句话说,我们已经走过的那个时期往往更看重短期收益,而不是长期繁荣;我们的眼光仅局限于下一笔付款、下一个季度或下一届选举。财政盈余非但没有成为投资于未来的一个时机,反而变成了把财富转移给富人的借口。(掌声)规章条例形同虚设,只为迅速牟利,不惜以市场的健康为代价。有些人明知自己不具备经济能力,却可借助竭力推销不良贷款的银行和贷款机构买房。而与此同时,重大的辩论和艰难的决策却被一拖再拖。
但饱尝苦果的日子已经到来,主宰我们前途的时机就在眼前。
现在正是需要大胆、明智地采取行动之时——不仅要振兴经济,还要为持久繁荣奠定新的基础。现在正是大力创造就业机会,重新开始贷款,投资于能源、医疗和教育等能促使我国经济增长的事业之时,即便是在我们为降低赤字而做出艰难抉择的情况下。这就是我的经济计划设定的目标,也是我今晚要向你们讲述的情况。
这一计划首先着手于就业。(掌声)
我一上任,就要求国会在总统纪念日(President's Day)前向我提交复苏方案,以便让人们重新有工作,有收入。这并不是因为我相信大政府──我并不相信;并非因为我不考虑我们继承的巨大债务──我有所考虑。我之所以呼吁采取行动,是因为如果不这么做,将失去更多的工作,导致更多的痛苦。事实上,不采取行动会导致数年内经济增长缓慢,加重长期赤字。因此我敦促采取迅速行动。今晚,我要感激国会采取了行动,我可以欣慰地说,《美国复苏和重新投资法》(American Recovery and Reinvestment Act) 已经生效。(掌声)
在今后两年中,这项方案将保全或创造350万份工作机会。其中90%以上将在私营行业──重建我国公路和桥梁;建造风力发电机和太阳能板;铺设宽带和扩展公共交通系统。
有了这一方案,教师们能够继续工作,为我们的孩子上课。医护工作者能够继续护理病人。今晚明尼阿波利斯市的街头仍有57名警察在值勤,因为这个方案使他们的警局避免了即将开始的裁员。(掌声)
有了这一方案,美国95%的职工家庭将获得减税──大家将在从4月1日开始的薪水单上看到这一减税。 (掌声)
有了这一方案,那些正在为支付学费而挣扎的家庭将得到一项供所有四年大学期间享有的2,500美元减税优惠。美国人───(掌声)── 那些在这次萧条中失业的美国人将能够获得延长的失业补贴以及医疗保险,帮助他们度过这场风暴。 (掌声)
我知道这里在坐的以及在家里观看的一些人士,对这项方案是否有效心存疑虑。我能理解这种疑虑。在华盛顿,我们都曾目睹善良的愿望如何迅速化为落空的承诺和浪费。如此规模的方案意味着不容失误的巨大责任。
正因为如此,我要求副总统拜登(Vice President Biden)负责领导一项艰巨和前所未有的监督工作,因为没有人可以唬弄乔。(掌声) 我──不是吗?他们不能唬弄你。我已向内阁每位成员,全国的市长和州长表示,我和美国人民会要求他们对所花的每一美元有所交代。我已任命一名经验丰富、办事严明的总检查长清查所有浪费和弄虚作假情况。我们已开设了一个新网站,名叫recovery.gov,使每个美国人都能了解他们的钱被如何使用以及使用在什么地方。
因此,我们所通过的复苏方案是使我国经济重回正轨的第一步。然而,这只是第一步。因为即使我们完美无缺地执行这一方案,如果我们不解决已严重削弱我国金融系统的信贷危机,
就不会有真正的复苏。
今晚我想直接坦率地谈论这一问题,因为每个美国人应该了解,这直接影响着你及你家人的福祉。大家还应该了解,你们在全国各地银行的储蓄是有保障的;你们的保险是安全的;你们可以信赖我国金融系统将继续运转。这不是担忧的来源。
需要担忧的是,如果我国不重新启动贷款,我们的复苏甚至在起步之前就会夭折。
你们知道── (掌声)──你们知道,信贷畅通是我国经济的生命线。能否获得贷款决定着购买支付各种东西的能力,从房屋、汽车到大学教育;从商店能否进货、农场能否购买设备到公司能否发出工资。
然而,信贷已停止了正常流动。因房市危机而导致的太多问题贷款已进入太多银行的账户。面对如此众多的债务,如此低落的信心,银行如今不再敢向个人、商家、甚至其他银行贷款。没有贷款,家庭无法购房买车。公司不得不裁员。我国经济损失更加惨重,信贷更趋枯竭。
因此,本届政府正在迅速采取大胆行动,以打破这一致命循环,恢复信任,重新发放贷款。
我们将在几方面采取行动。首先,作为至今采取的规模最大的行动,我们正在创设一项新的贷款基金,向保持美国经济运转的消费者和工商企业家提供汽车贷款、大学教育贷款和小型企业贷款。(掌声)
其次──其次,我们已推出一项住房计划,为面临房屋遭到拍卖威胁的负责任的家庭降低每月的付款额并重新申请抵押借款。这项计划不会帮助投机者或买了房子但永远没有能力承担房款的邻居,但有助于千百万因住房日益贬值而面临困境的美国人──他们现在可以利用这个计划已经带来的更的低利率。事实上,今天重新贷款的美国人能够在抵押贷款上每年节省近2,000美元。(掌声)
第三,我们将动员联邦政府全力投入这项行动,确保美国人民所依靠的各大银行有足够的信心和足够的资金发放贷款,即使在更困难的时期也能如此。一旦我们了解到某一家大银行出现严重问题,我们将让那些相关人员承担责任,迫使银行采取必要的调整措施,为清理资产帐目提供支援,务使一个能为美国人民和美国经济服务的强大有效的系统继续发挥作用。
我了解,无论什么时候,如果在不附加任何条件并不要求任何人对草率的决策承担责任的条件下为银行提供救助,华尔街都可能感到更放心。但这样的方式不可能解决问题。我们的目标是,使重新开始向美国人民和美国工商企业贷款并使这场危机一去不复返的日子早日到来。
而且我要求这些银行为获得的援助负全部责任。这一次,这些银行必须表明纳税人的钱将以何种方式最终为美国纳税人提供更多的贷款。(掌声)这一次──这一次,一些首席执行长将无法用纳税人的钱大幅度增加自己的薪酬,无法购买豪华的窗帘,也无法乘私人飞机消失无踪。那些日子已经结束了。(掌声)
然而,这项计划还是需要联邦政府提供大量资源──对了,其需要量很可能高于我们已经划拨的款项。虽然采取行动的代价高昂,但我可以向你们保证,不采取行动的代价更高,因为
可能产生的结果是经济始终步履蹒跚,持续的时间不是几个月或几年,可能达10年之久。这对于我们的赤字,对于我们的工商业,对于你们大家和我们的下一代都更为不利。我决不让这种情况发生。(掌声)
为此,我知道,当上一届政府请求本届国会为面临困境的银行提供援助时,不论是民主党还是共和党议员都对银行的管理不善及其产生的后果感到愤怒。美国的纳税人也是如此。我也同样如此。因此我知道,现在被视为帮助银行解困的做法是如何不得人心,尤其是正当大家都在为他们拙劣的决策共同承受苦难的时候。我向你们保证──我很明白。
但我也知道,在陷入危机的时刻,我们不能以怒治国,也不能屈服于当前的政治。(掌声)我的职责──我们的职责──是解决问题。我们的职责是以责任感治理国家。我不会──我不会花一分钱奖励任何一个华尔街主管人员,但我会尽一切可能帮助无法支付员工工资的小型企业,或积攒了钱但仍无法获得抵押贷款的家庭。(掌声)
这就是其中的内容。不是帮助银行──而是帮助人民。(掌声)因为当信贷又可以发放的时候,那些年轻人的家庭才终于能够购买新房。同时某一家公司才能雇用工人建造房屋。然后,这些工人才有钱进行消费。他们如果还能拿到贷款,也许终于能买下他们想买的车,或开办自己的企业。投资者会重回市场,美国家庭会看到他们的退休生活又一次获得保障。慢慢地,但毫无疑问,信心会得到恢复,我们的经济会获得康复。(掌声)
因此我请求国会与我一起做凡是证明有必要做的事情。因为我们不能听任我们的国家陷入无止境的衰退。为了保证这种大规模的危机永远不再发生,我请求国会迅速立法,最终改革我国早已过时的监管系统。(掌声)现在是时候了──是制定严厉的、崭新的、符合常理的运行规则的时候了,使我们的金融市场奖励奋进与创新,惩罚投机取巧和滥用权力。
复苏计划和金融稳定计划是我们为在短期内振兴我国经济所采取的紧迫步骤。而全面恢复美国经济实力的唯一途径是进行长期投资,以此创造新的就业机会,开创新型产业,并提高我们同世界其他国家竞争的能力。让本世纪成为又一个美国世纪的唯一途径在于我们最终能否正视依赖石油所付出的代价和医疗业的高昂费用;同时解决学校误人子弟的问题以及子孙后代将要背负的沉重如山的债务。这是我们的责任。
过几天,我将向国会呈交预算。我们往往把这类文件看作只是写在纸上的一些数字,或是项目的详细清单。我对这一文件的看法则不然,我把它看作是美国的愿景,是我们未来的蓝图。
我的预算并不试图解决所有的问题,或处理所有的事务。我的预算反映了我们继承下来的严酷现实——一万亿美元的赤字、金融危机和代价沉重的经济衰退。
鉴于这样的现实,这个会议厅里的每一个人,无论是民主党人还是共和党人,都必须因无法供款割舍一些有益的重要项目。这也包括我本人在内。
但这并不意味着我们可以忽视我们面临的长期挑战。我绝不接受那种认为我们的问题完全会自行解决的观点,也不接受认为政府在为我们的共同繁荣奠定基础方面扮演的角色无足轻重的看法。
因为历史所证明的情况并非如此。历史提醒我们,在每一个经济动荡和转变的时刻,我们的国家都应之以果敢的行动和宏观的思维。内战期间,我们铺设连接东西海岸的铁路,刺激了商业和工业的发展。产生于工业革命混乱时期的公立高中体制,使我们的公民作好了迎接新时代的准备。在战争和大萧条过后通过的《退伍军人权利法案》(GI Bill),使一代人进入大学,造就了历史上人数最庞大的中产阶级。(掌声) 冷战中争取自由的斗争,带来国家公路四通八达,美国人登上月球,以及至今仍在影响世界的技术大发展。
在每一种情况下,政府并没有取代私有企业;政府促进了私人企业的发展。政府为成千上万企业家和新企业适应新局面和蓬勃发展创造了条件。
我们是一个曾在危难中看到希望、从磨难中求得机会的国家。现在我们必须再次成为这样的国家。这就是为什么我所呈交的预算案即便在削减我们不需要的项目的同时,仍将对与我们的未来经济极其攸关的三个领域进行投资:能源、医疗和教育。(掌声)
首先是能源。
我们知道,掌握洁净、可再生能源动力的国家将处于21世纪的领先地位。然而,是中国发起了历史上最大规模的发展高效能源经济的努力。我们发明了太阳能技术,但我们在太阳能生产方面却落后于德国和日本等国家。新的插电式油电混合汽车经我们的装配线诞生,但却要用韩国制造的充电池行驶。
我所不能接受的未来是,让明天的工作岗位和产业到我国边境外生根,我知道你们也不会接受。现在是美国再次领先的时候了。(掌声)
由于有了我们的经济复苏计划,未来三年内,我国将把再生能源供应翻一番。我们为基础研究提供了美国有史以来最大数额的投资──这项投资不仅将刺激新能源开发,而且还将促进医学和科技领域的突破。
我们不久将铺设数千英里的输电线,为全国各地城镇送去新能源。我们将让美国人投入工作,将住宅和楼房变得更节能,进而节省巨额能源开销。
但是,要真正改造我们的经济、保护我们的安全,拯救我们的星球使之免遭气候变化的破坏,我们最终必须使可再生清洁能源成为能够盈利的能源。因此,我要求本届国会向我提交法案,对碳排放作出基于市场的封顶限额,并推动我国增加可再生能源生产。这是我们所需要的。(掌声) 为了支持这一创新,我们将每年投资150亿美元,用于发展风力发电和太阳能发电等技术、先进的生物燃料、清洁煤炭以及在美国就地生产的更高效的汽车和卡车。(掌声)
说到汽车工业,大家都认识到,多年来的不良决策和全球性衰退将我们的汽车制造商推向破产边缘。我们不应也不会对他们的不良方式给予保护。但我们致力于让汽车工业革新改造,重新创意,使之具有竞争并获胜的能力。数百万份工作有赖于汽车工业。百十多个社区依靠汽车工业。我相信,发明汽车的国家不会离它而去。(掌声)
以上任何事情都不可能不付出代价,也不可能轻而易举。但这是美国。我们不会避重就轻。为了推动这个国家前进,我们会采取一切必需的行动。
出于同样的原因,我们必须解决医疗费用极为高昂的问题。
在美国,每30秒就会出现一起医疗费用导致破产的事例。到今年年底,医疗费用可能造成150万美国人丧失房产。8年来,医疗保险费的涨幅是工资涨幅的4倍。在这8年中,失去医疗保险的美国人每年增加100万。这是小公司纷纷倒闭,大公司将就业机会转移到海外的主要原因之一。这也是我国规模最大、增长速度最快的预算项目之一。
鉴于上述事实,我们再也不能将医疗改革束之高阁。我们再也经不起拖延。现在是时候了。(掌声)
我们在短短30天中为推动医疗改革所做的努力已经超过以往10年。本届国会正式开始运作才几天,就通过一项法案,为全职父母家庭的1,100万名儿童提供医疗保险并为医疗保险提供保护。(掌声) 我们的复苏计划将投资建立电子医疗档案并开发新技术,以减少差错,降低费用,保护隐私,治病救人。我们的计划将发起一项新的倡议,力争在我们这个时代找到治疗癌症的方法,从而战胜这个触及几乎每一个美国人的生活的疾病,而我也是其中之一。(掌声) 而且──我们的计划对预防性医疗的投入空前之高,因为预防性医疗是保障我国人民的健康,让医疗费用得到控制的最佳途径之一。
这项预算案以上述改革为基础,包括一项进行综合性医疗改革的历史性承诺──为达到美国人人享有质优价廉的医疗服务的原则标准投下一笔启动资金。(掌声) 这是一项承诺──这项承诺在一定程度上要靠我们的体制早就应当具备的效率来实现。如果我们希望在今后几年降低赤字,就必须采取这个步骤。
在如何实现改革的问题上会有很多不同的意见和看法,因此下星期我将召集工商企业及员工、医生和医疗服务人员、民主党人和共和党人就这一问题开始进行探讨。
我绝不幻想这将会是一件轻而易举之事。再强调一下,这将是艰巨的。然而,我也知道在特迪?罗斯福(Teddy Roosevelt)首次提出改革之后近百年来,我们的医疗成本使我们的经济和我们的良心都长期受到沉重的压力。为此,需要明确指出的是:医疗改革刻不容缓,不可耽搁,不能再拖一年。(掌声)
我们必须迎接的第三个挑战是,迫切需要扩大美国教育提供的前景。
在全球经济体中,你所能提供的最有价值的技能便是你的知识,良好的教育不再仅仅是获得机会的通道,而是一个先决条件。
如今四分之三发展最快的职业需要有高中以上的文凭。然而,我国公民中只有过半的人达到这个教育程度。在所有的工业化国家中,我国的高中退学率最高。在进入大学的学生中,有一半从未完成学业。
这是解决经济衰退的一剂药方,因为我们知道今天在教育方面领先于我们的国家明天会在竞争中超过我们。这就是本届政府设定下述目标的原因:确保每个儿童都能受到完整的、培养高强能力的教育──从出生之日起直至就业之时。(掌声) 这是我们对美国儿童必须作出的允
诺。(掌声)
我们已经通过经济复苏计划对教育进行了历史性的投资。我们大幅度地扩大了早期儿童教育并将继续提高早期儿童教育的质量,因为我们知道对人生影响最大的教育是生命最初几年的学习。我们另使将近700万学生──700万──能够上得起大学。(掌声) 我们还为避免削减和解聘教师这种令人痛苦的情况发生提供必要的资源,这种情况一旦发生就会阻碍孩子们的进步。
但我们知道,我们的学校所需要的不仅仅是更多的资源,还需要进一步的改革。(掌声) 这就是这项预算案要造就新型教师的原因──为教师的教学表现提供新的激励手段,为他们的提高开辟途径;对他们的成功给予奖励。有一些创新项目已在帮助学校向高标准迈进并填补成绩的空白,我们将对这些项目进行投资。我们还将把我们的承诺扩大到特许学校。(掌声)
作为立法者和教育工作者,使这一体制能顺利运作是我们的责任。但参与这一体制是每一个公民的责任。因此,今晚,我要求每一个美国人承诺接受至少一年以上的高等教育或职业培训。可以上社区大学也可以上四年制学校;接受专业培训或实习。但无论接受何种训练,每一位美国人都需比获得高中文凭得到更多的教育。高中辍学已不再是一种选择。这不仅对你个人是一种放弃,对你的国家也是一种放弃,而我们的国家需要并重视每个美国人的才智。(掌声) 这就是我们将支持──我们将对所有美国青年提供必要的支持以完成其大学教育和实现以下新目标的原因:到2020年,美国将再次成为全世界大学毕业生比例最高的国家。这是我们能够实现的目标。(掌声) 这是我们能够实现的目标。
同时,我知道大学学费比以往任何时候都高,因为这个缘故,如果你愿意在你所在的社区担任志愿者,或回报你的社区,或为国效劳,我们保证你能负担高等教育的费用。(掌声) 为了促使这一代和世世代代的美国人重新焕发为国效劳的精神,我请求国会向我送交以参议员奥林?哈奇(Orrin Hatch)以及一位从未停止叩问自己能为国家做些什么的美国人──参议员爱德华?肯尼迪(Edward Kennedy)命名的两党参议员共同提出的法案。(掌声)
这些教育政策将为我们的孩子打开机会的大门。然而,我们必须确保他们能顺利走进大门。毕竟没有任何计划或政策能代替父母──父亲或母亲需要参加家长与教师座谈会,可以辅导孩子做家庭作业,或关掉电视,收起电子游戏,还可以给孩子朗诵读物。 (掌声) 当我说教育孩子的职责必须从家庭开始的时候,我不仅是以总统身份,而且还是以一位父亲的身份在此讲话。这不是民主党的问题也不是共和党的问题,这是美国的问题。(掌声)
当然我们还要为孩子们承担另一项职责。这就是保证我们不给他们留下他们不能支付的债务。 (掌声) 这是至关重要的。我赞同,绝对赞同。你们看,我知道我们能在这里取得一些共识。(笑声) 由于我们继承的赤字,代价──(掌声)──我们所面临的危机造成的代价,以及我们必须面对种种长期的挑战,在我国经济复苏的过程中,我们有必要尽一切努力降低赤字,这个问题尤其重要。此事关系极为重大。 (掌声)
现在,我现感到骄傲的是,我们通过了一项不附加额外开支的复苏计划──(掌声)──我希望通过下一年度的预算,保证我们所支出的每一个美元都体现我国最重要的事务。
昨天,我在我召集的财政峰会上作出了在我第一个任期结束前将赤字减少一半的保证。我的
政府还已开始逐项审阅联邦预算,以取消浪费资金和效果不彰的项目。大家不难想像,这个过程需要花费一些时日。但我们已从耗资最多的项目开始,我们已经确定在未来10年内可节省两万亿美元。(掌声)
在这一预算中,我们将停止没有实效的教育计划,停止向没有实际需要的大规模农业综合企业直接供款。(掌声)我们将废除已在伊拉克浪费数十亿美元的无投标合同,(掌声) —并改革—并改革我们的防务预算,使我们不再为我们不使用的冷战时期的武器系统承担开支。(掌声)我们将—我们将根除—我们将根除联邦医疗保险(Medicare)中那些对我们老年公民的健康毫无作用的浪费、欺诈和滥用现像,我们将最终停止为那些将我国的就业机会转移到海外的公司提供减税,以恢复税制的公平合理。(掌声)
为了避免我们的后代未来继续承担前人的债务,我们还将停止美国2%最富裕的人所享受的税务优惠。 (掌声) 为此,我明确表示──我绝对明确地表示,因为我知道你们最终会听到一些同样的说法,认为废除这些税务优惠意味着美国人民的赋税将大幅增加,但如果你的家庭年收入不到25万美元,每年不超过一百万美元的四分之一,你不会看到你的赋税增加一毫一厘。我重申:不会增加一毫一厘。 (掌声) 不会增加一毫一厘。 实际上,复苏方案可提供免税─是的,提供免税──将为95%的工薪家庭免税。而且,这些支票即将寄达。 (掌声)
因此,为了使我国财政长期保持良好状态,我们还必须解决联邦医疗保险和社会安全计划日益高涨的成本问题。在未来几年中,全面的医疗改革是加强联邦医疗保险的最佳途径。我们还必须就如何改革社会安全福利计划开始对话,同时为美国所有的人建立免税的通用储蓄账户。 (掌声)
最后,鉴于我们也有着信任赤字,我要致力于重新让我们的预算具有诚实性和言而有信。这就是为什么这个预算前瞻10年,并且将旧规则所略去的支出予以说明的原因────其中首次包含了伊拉克战争和阿富汗战争的全部费用。(掌声)七年来,我们的国家一直处于战争状态。我们不再隐瞒战争的代价。(掌声)
目前,我正与我们优秀的国家安全事务团队一起仔细审议我们对这两场战争的政策,我不久将宣布在伊拉克的前进路线,从而将伊拉克交给伊拉克人民,以负责任的方式结束这场战争。(掌声)
我们将同我们的盟友一道,制定在阿富汗和巴基斯坦新的全面战略,以击败\基地\组织,打击极端主义。我绝不允许恐怖主义分子从地球另一端的藏身之地对美国人民施展阴谋。我们绝不允许。(掌声)
在我们今晚在此聚会之时,我国的男女军人在海外严阵以待,还有更多人在整装待发。对他们中的每一个人,对那些因亲人离开而默默承重的家属,美国人民齐声发出一个信息:我们对你们的贡献心怀敬意,我们因你们的奉献深受激励,我们作你们的坚强后盾。(掌声)
为了减轻我们部队承受的压力,在我的预算中增加了陆军和海军陆战队人数。并且,为履行我们对服役军人具有的神圣承诺,我们将为他们提高军饷,为退伍军人增加医疗保健和他们应有的福利。(掌声)
为战胜极端主义,我们还必须警惕维护我们的军队所捍卫的价值观──因为世界上没有任何军队比美国的榜样更强大。这就是我已下令关闭关塔那摩湾(Guantanamo Bay)拘押中心,并将寻求迅速、确定无疑地将在押恐怖主义分子地绳之以法的原因。(掌声)因为实践我们的价值观不会削弱我们,而是会使我们更加安全、更加强大。(掌声)这就是为什么我今晚站在这里,无可非议和毫不含糊地宣布,美利坚合众国不实施酷刑。今晚我们在这里可以做出这样的承诺。(掌声)
通过言词和行动,我们正在向全世界表明一个接触联系的新时代已经开始。因为我们知道,美国无法单独应对本世纪存在的种种威胁,而世界在应对这些威胁时也不能没有美国。我们不能规避谈判桌,也不能无视可能伤害我们的敌人或势力。我们应响召唤,以严峻时代所要求的信心和坦诚向前迈进。
为推动以色列及其邻国实现稳固持久的和平,我们任命了一位特使来持续进行这项努力。为应对21世纪的种种挑战──从恐怖主义到核扩散;从疾病疫情到网际威胁到极度贫困──我们将巩固老联盟,缔结新联盟,并调动我国各方面力量。
为应对这场遍及全球的经济危机,我们正在同20国集团(G-20)成员共同努力恢复人们对金融体制的信心,避免可能出现的保护主义抬头,并刺激全球各地市场对美国产品的需求。因为世界要依靠我们达到经济强盛,正如我们的经济也有赖于世界经济强劲一样。
我们正站在这个历史的交叉路口,所有国家所有人民的眼睛都再次集中在我们身上──注视着我们在这个时刻的一举一动,期待着我们发挥主导作用。
今晚我们在此聚会,时代呼唤我们在这个具有特殊意义的时期治理国家。这是巨大的责任,也是极大的荣耀──只有很少几代美国人曾经获此殊荣。我们手中掌握着决定世界成败利钝的能力。
我知道很容易忽视这个真理───变得愤世嫉俗,疑虑重重,庸庸碌碌,胸无大志。不过在我的一生中,我还领悟到希望往往在不可能的地方被发现;灵感经常发源于美国黎民百姓的梦想和渴望,并非来自高官厚爵或名门望族。
我想起了伦纳德?阿贝斯(Leonard Abess)。他是迈阿密(Miami)一家银行的总裁,据说他出售自己的公司股份,将6,000万美元的所得分发给为他工作的所有399位职工,另外还发给72位以前为他工作的员工。他并没有把这件事告诉任何人。当一家地方报纸发现此事后,他只是轻描淡写地说:\我从7岁起就认识其中的一些人,我如果独享这些钱,会感到心中有愧。\掌声)
我想起——我想起了堪萨斯州格林斯堡 (Greensburg, Kansas)。这是一个遭到飓风彻底毁坏的城镇,但如今当地的居民正在重建家园。他们利用洁净能源为整个社区供电,过去处处断壁残垣的土地带来了就业机会和工商业的兴旺,为此成为全球典范。一个帮助这些居民重建的人士说:\这场悲剧十分可怕。但这里的乡亲们知道,这也提供了一个难得的机遇。\
我还想起泰希奥马?贝西娅(Ty’Sheoma Bethea)。她是我在南卡罗来纳州狄龙地区(Dillon, South Carolina)一所学校访问时见到的年轻女孩。这所学校的教室内天花板漏水,墙壁上油
漆剥落,附近还有火车隆隆驶过,为此他们每天不得不中断教学达6次之多。她一直听人说她的学校没有指望,但有一天下课后她跑到公共图书馆,打印出一封信给这里在座的各位。她甚至向校长要钱买了邮票。这封信请求我们给予帮助,信中说:\我们只是一群学生,希望能成为律师、医生,和你们一样成为议员,有一天还可以当总统,我们不仅能使南卡罗来纳州发生变化,而且还能使全世界发生变化。我们决不放弃。\她如此说道。我们决不放弃。(掌声)
这些话语——这些话语和这些事例从某些方面说明了美国人民的精神,是他们送我们来到这里。他们告诉我们这些,即使处于最困苦的时期,即使面临最艰难的局面,仍然保持心胸宽广,精神振奋,一身正气,意志坚定;愿为我们的未来和繁荣承担责任。
他们的意志必须化为我们的精神。他们关心的问题必须成为我们的事业。同时,我们必须向他们表明,必须向我国全体人民表明,我们完全能胜任面前的任务。(掌声)
我知道——是的,我们迄今尚未就每一项事务成共识——(笑声),将来我们无疑也会出现分歧。然而,我也知道今晚在座的每一位美国人都热爱国家并盼望国家昌盛。我了解这一点。(掌声)这必须是今后数月内我们每一场辩论的出发点,成为每一场辩论结束后的复归点。这便是美国人民希望我们寻求共同点的基础。
如果我们能做到——如果我们齐心合力,促使国家走出这次深重的危机;如果我们帮助人们找到工作,重新发动增进繁荣的引擎;如果我们毫不畏惧地迎接我们时代的挑战,振奋美国决不放弃的永恒精神,那末从今天开始,直至多少年后的某一天,我们的子孙就能告诉他们的子女,我们在这个关头做了”一些值得纪念的工作” ,并且在这个大厅铭刻下这样的字句。
谢谢诸位。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。谢谢诸位。(掌声)
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release January 27, 2010
Remarks by the President in State of the Union Address
9:11 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great
need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.
Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -– (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -– in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels. But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)
I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)
I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -– because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.)
Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help
farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. (Applause.)
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. (Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Applause.)
Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.
When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. (Applause.)
To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Applause.)
And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -– (applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class
families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment –- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.
This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)
Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- even those with insurance -– who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.
And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -– the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, \
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking
tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)
So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let me know. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.
Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.
At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.) Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and
Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)
We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it. (Applause.)
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.
Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. (Applause.)
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.) But understand –- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -– all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -– that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.
Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here.
Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.
To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -– deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve. (Applause.)
That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -– for the first time in history –- my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.
But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.
With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests –- including foreign corporations –- to spend without limit in our elections. (Applause.) I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. (Applause.) They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems. I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. (Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. (Applause.) Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. (Applause.)
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another. Now, I'm not na?ve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side -– a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators. (Applause.)
Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.
So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.
To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. (Applause.) And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. (Applause.) Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. (Applause.) So let's show the American people that we can do it together. (Applause.)
This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait. (Laughter.)
Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world. (Applause.)
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture
and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike. (Applause.) We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.
As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.) We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. (Applause.)
Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world –- they have to know that we -- that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. (Applause.) That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades -- last year. (Applause.) That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. (Applause.)
Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people -– the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. (Applause.) And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)
Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions –- sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the
international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)
That's the leadership that we are providing –- engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -– a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. (Applause.) That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. (Applause.) Always. (Applause.)
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. (Applause.) We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. (Applause.) This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. (Applause.) It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -– so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. (Applause.) And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system -– to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation. (Applause.)
In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America -- values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions -– our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government –- still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.
No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change –- change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change –- or that I can deliver it.
But remember this –- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.
Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.
Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the
setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going -– what keeps me fighting -– is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, \of us,\he said, \…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.\
It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, \
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of \
The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. (Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
END 10:20 P.M. EST 1
setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going -– what keeps me fighting -– is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, \of us,\he said, \…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.\
It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, \
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of \
The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. (Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
END 10:20 P.M. EST 1
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