Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in-tos a lexical semantic approach

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

Modern Greek Deverbal Adjectives in -tos: a lexical semantic approachValia KordoniWith this study, a detailed semantic classi cation of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in -tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the -tos and -menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected in the case of -menos, but no such evidence is available for the adjectives in -tos .

Abstract

1 The problemIt has been claimed in the literature (cf. Setatos 1984], p.83) that the Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos: A. denote a change in the nature of their reference. But: Many of the deverbal adjectives in -tos DO NOT denote a change in the nature of their reference. For example, the adjective vras-tos (boiled) denotes a transformation in the expression vras-to kreas (boiled meat), but the adjective kelaristos (babbling) in the expression kelaristi pigi (babbling waterfall) does not denote any change in the nature of the waterfall. Moreover, the adjective kini-tos (mobile) denotes a capability of its reference. B. do not refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb. But: In Section 2.2 we will present a whole class of deverbal adjectives in -tos which refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb (for example, gelas-tos (smiling)). C. do not bear any reference to time. According to Setatos, the adjectival participles ending in -menos denote an\anterior" event. But: In his analysis, Setatos 1984] does not clarify the content of the notion\anterior event". This clari cation is necessary, though, because adjectives constitute a nominal category, while the expression of time is a privilege of verbs. Compare, for instance, the following examples: (1) vras-meno nero boiled water 1

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

\water that has already boiled, and may not be boiling now" (2) vras-to nero boiled water\water that has already boiled, or water that is boiling now" (3) misi-menos hated\somebody who has been hated" (4) misi-tos hated\somebody whose character might make others hate him" According to Setatos's 1984] analysis, in the examples (1) and (2) above, both the adjectival participles in -menos and the deverbal adjectives in -tos entail that the boiling event has preceded. Thus, both adjectives denote some kind of an\anterior event". On the other hand, though, Setatos claims that there is a contrast between them. But we think that this contrast is due to the ambiguity of the verb vrazo (boil) itself, and not to the properties of the above mentioned adjectival categories. For instance, one of the readings of the verb vrazo (boil) concerns the boiling event itself. To express such a kind of an event, Modern Greek has two homonymous verbs which encode the di erence between a causative and a non-causative event ((5), (6)). The other reading of the verb vrazo (boil) denotes that the temperature of the object that boils is high ((7)), without making any reference to the way in which the object reaches such a high tem

perature. In this case the notion of causation is not lexicalized ((8)): (5) Anapse tin fotia na light-PRES-IMP-3-sg the(det,fem,acc,sing) re(fem,acc,sing) to vrasis nero gia ta makaronia. boil-INF-3-sg water(neut,acc,sing) for the(det,neut,acc,pl) pasta(neut,acc,pl)\Light the re to boil the water for the pasta". (6) Otan to nero vrazi, kani when the(det,neut,nom,sing) water(neut,nom,sing) boil-3-sg, make-3-sg thorivo. noise(masc,nom,sing)\When the water boils, it makes noises". 2

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

(7) To mesimeri i the(det,neut,acc,sing) afternoon(neut,acc,sing) the(det,fem,nom,sing) amos vrazi apo ton ilio sand(fem,nom,sing) boil-3-sg from the(det,masc,acc,sing) sun(masc,acc,sing) kai den mporis na perpatisis xipolitos. and not can-2-sg to walk-INF-2-sg barefooted(adj,masc,nom,sing)\In the afternoons the sand is so hot because of the sun that one cannot walk on it barefooted". (8) *To mesimeri o the(det,neut,acc,sing) afternoon(neut,acc,sing) the(det,masc,nom,sing) ilios vrazi tin amo... sun(masc,nom,sing) boil-3-sg the(det,fem,acc,sing) sand(fem,acc,sing)\*In the afternoons the sun boils the sand...". The adjective vras-tos (boiled) is also ambiguous: (9) Ta vrasta avga the(det,neut,nom,pl) boiled(adj,neut,nom,pl) egg(neut,nom,pl) kriosan. cool-PAST-3-pl\The boiled eggs cooled". (10) Vasanizan tous lakismenous torture-PAST-3-pl the(det,masc,acc,pl) prisoner(masc,acc,pl) vazontas tous vrasta put-PART-PRES-3-pl cl(masc,acc,pl) boiled(adj,neut,acc,pl) avga stis mashales. egg(neut,nom,pl) to-the(det,fem,acc,pl) armpit(fem,acc,pl)\They were torturing the prisoners by putting boiled eggs under their armpits". Examples (3) and (4) above show the di erence between the deverbal adjectives misitos and misi-menos . We would like to mention here the following: rstly, if the semantics of the adjective misi-tos (and possibly, the semantics of all the adjectives derived from psychological predicates ending in -tos ) is\somebody whose character might make others hate him", then A above is in contrast with this class of adjectives, since the property denoted by the adjective is described as inherent. The nature of the referent of the adjective, according to Setatos, is de ned by the result(s) of the action denoted by the verb. On the other hand, though, Setatos's analysis is incomplete, for there are uses of misi-tos with the semantics:\they hate him". Thus, this use necessarily entails the semantics of misi-menos . In this case, of course, both the adjective misi-menos and the adjective misi-tos denote an\anterior event": 3

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

(11) O Giannis ine the(det,masc,nom,sing) Giannis(masc,nom,sing) be-3-sg misitos stin doulia hated(adj,masc,nom,sing) in-the(det,fem,acc,sing) work(fem,acc,sing) tou, gia auto den pire proagogi. his(masc,gen,sing), for this not take-PAST-3-sg promotion(fem,acc,sing)\John is hated at his work, that's why he did not get a promotion". What we have tried to say so far is that the contrast between the deverbal adjectival participles ending in -meno

s and the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos cannot be described clearly using the notion of the\anterior event". Adopting to some extent Veloudis's ( 1990], p.202) analysis, according to which\the Modern Greek adjectival participles in -menos di er from the Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos in that the -menos adjectives refer to the result of the action denoted by the verb and they bear verbal characteristics, while the adjectives in -tos do not denote any result and do not bear verbal characteristics", we will try to show that the deverbal adjectives ending in -menos express the\result" of the action denoted by the verb, while the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos express a state, which constitutes in a way the stative correspondence of the result of the action denoted by the verb. In other words, a state for which some of the aspects of the action denoted by the verb are irrelevant. We will come back to this in Section 7. Finally, we have to mention one last signi cant, in our opinion, point here. Setatos 1984] mentions that the reading\somebody is able to or deserves to participate in the action denoted by the verb" is common among many of the deverbal adjectives in Modern Greek ending in -tos as one of the semantic properties of these adjectives. But the two readings, i.e., the one entailing that the entity denoted by the adjective has been\marked" by the action denoted by the verb to the extent that it entails a change in the nature of its referent, and the one entailing that the entity denoted by the adjective is able to or deserves to participate in the event denoted by the verb, are contrasted, and in most cases these two semantic entailments are mutually excluded (except maybe in the case of the adjectives in tos which are derived from psychological predicates). Moreover, the signi cantly big number of the adjectives in -tos which denote\ability" prevents us from considering them to be exceptions. In other words, the semantic entailment of\ability" does not seem to be a simple characteristic of the deverbal adjectives in -tos in Modern Greek but a distinct reading. Thus, it is clear that there are two very important questions concerning the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos to which the literature has not provided a satisfactory answer yet: 1. what is the semantic structure of the system of the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos in Modern Greek, and 2. how is this system opposed to the other semantic systems of adjectives in the language The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to these questions. The data for the present discussion comes from two sources: 4

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

various dictionaries of Modern Greek (mainly Kormoulis's 6], and Stavropoulos's 14] dictionaries of Modern Greek), and the ECI corpus of Modern Greek We divide our data into semantic groups, which in our opinion show clearly the semantic structure of the system of the adjectives in -tos in Modern Greek. The criteria for the grouping of the adjectives are the f

ollowing two: the ending -tos, and the position of the adjective in front of the modi ed noun Finally, we use the term\state" to refer to a real world situation, whose beginning or end or duration we are not interested in while describing it.

2 Group 12.1

Adjectives in -tos derived from transitive verbsagorastos (bought), anixtos (open), vrastos (boiled), gemistos ( lled), giaxnistos (stewed), gliptos (sculpted), graptos (written), dektos (accepted), dialextos (chosen), dotos (given), epitreptos (permitted, allowed), efarmostos ( tted), zogra stos (drawn), kathistos (seated), kaftos (burning), kentitos (embroidered), klistos (closed), ktistos (built), kirtos (curved), laxeftos (hewn), litos (untied,loose), ksexoristos (distinct), pastos (salted), plastos (forged), plektos (knitted), raptos (sewn), svistos (extinguished, switched o ), skalistos (carved), skepastos (covered), smixtos (joined), souvlistos (spitted), spastos (broken), staltos (sent), stitos (erected), striftos (twisted), teriastos ( t), tiganitos (fried), tsigaristos (roasted), ifantos (woven), fertos (brought), ftiaxtos (made), xiropiastos (tangible), xitos (cast), psitos (baked), psithiristos (whispered)

The adjectives included in this group are characterized by the following properties: 1. They denote that their referent is in a state A, which thereafter we will call characteristic state and which we understand as in the following: As a set of properties which are described as being independent from the notion of time and characteristically related to the properties beared by the patient argument of the verb from which the adjective is derived. The characteristic state is NOT described as the result brought about by an event with one or more participants. Examples like the following show, for instance, that the characteristic state is not described as the result of the semantically related action denoted by the verb: 5

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

(12) O Ifestos mpike the(det,masc,nom,sing) Volcanus(masc,nom,sing) enter-PAST-3-sg sto spiti tou ke in-the(det,neut,acc,sing) house(neut,acc,sing) his(masc,gen,sing) and ide ton Ari see-PAST-3-sg the(det,masc,acc,sing) Mars(masc,acc,sing) kathismeno dipla stin Afroditi. sitting(masc,acc,sing) next to-the(det,fem,acc,sing) Venus(fem,acc,sing)\Volcanus entered his house and he saw Mars sitting next to Venus". (13) I dio kathistes the(det,fem,nom,pl) two(fem,nom,pl) seated(adj,fem,nom,pl) morfes sto anaglifo gure(fem,nom,pl) on-the(det,neut,acc,sing) sculpture(neut,acc,sing) ine o Aris kai be-3-pl the(det,masc,nom,sing) Mars(masc,nom,sing) and i Afroditi. the(det,fem,nom,sing) Venus(fem,nom,sing)\Mars and Venus are the two seated gures on the sculpture". (14) *I dio kathismenes the(det,fem,nom,pl) two(fem,nom,pl) sitting(adj,fem,nom,pl) morfes sto anaglifo gure(fem,nom,pl) on-the(det,neut,acc,sing) sculpture(neut,acc,sing) ine o Aris kai be-3-pl the(det,masc,nom,sing) Mars(masc,nom,sing) and i Afroditi. the(det,fem,nom,sing) Venus(fem,nom,sing) *\Mars and

Venus are the two sitting gures on the sculpture". In example (12) it is presupposed that there was an occasion when Mars sat or was forced to sit next to Venus and therefore Mars's characteristic state is the result of an\action denoted by a verb", in which the controller is whoever forced Mars to sit next to Venus (in the case of the transitive verb) or Mars himself (in the case of the intransitive verb). Example (13), though, does not presuppose such an occasion. It simply entails that both the gures were in the characteristic state which corresponds to the verb\sit". And because the position that the gures have on the sculpture can only metaphorically be considered to be the result of the action denoted by the verb\sit", example (14) is ungrammatical. 2. All the adjectives are semantically related to transitive verbs (cf., for instance, the adjective staltos (sent)) or to pairs of causative/non-causative verbs (cf., for instance, kathizo (to seat someone down)/kathome (to sit), and the adjective kathistos (seated)). 6

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

If the semantic relation between an adjective derived from a transitive verb and its homonym derived from an intransitive one is not due to the causative/non-causative alternation, then the adjective is also registered as a member of Group 2 (cf. 2.2 below, for example the adjective vrastos (boiled)). 3. The values of the adjective's referent belong to a subset of the set of the values that the object of the transitive verb may take. It is often the case that this subset be proper. That is, the state that is denoted by the adjective is more speci c than the characteristic state. For instance, the semantics of the adjectives ksexoristos (distinct) and dialextos (chosen) is more speci c than the characteristic semantics. The adjective dialextos (chosen) denotes\exceptional quality" (although the criteria for the choice do not always refer to the exceptional quality), while the adjective ksexoristos (distinct) denotes that\somebody or something is special" (although the action denoted by the verb ksexorizo (distinguish) refer to the position of the adjective's referent).2.2

Adjectives in -tos derived from intransitive verbs

vrastos (boiled), gelastos (smiling), zematistos (scalding), kelaristos (babbling), pistos (faithful), skastos (absent without permission), spartaristos (lively), tremouliastos (quivering, shaking), fountotos (tufty), xamogelastos (smiling) The adjectives included in this group are characterized by the following properties: 1. They refer to the characteristic state related to the semantically corresponding verb they are derived from. As in the case of the adjectives in the previous section, the characteristic state is NOT described as a result brought about by a speci c verbal action. 2. The adjectives included in this group are semantically related with non-transitive verbs. The adjective zematistos (scalding), for instance, refers to the temperature of an object. The verb zematao (to scald) has two r

eadings, a causative and a non-causative one, which do not alternate, though. The causative reading means\to cover somebody or something all over with hot water", while the non-causative reading means\something's temperature is so high that touching it is painful". The adjective zematistos (scalding) refers only to the characteristic state which corresponds to the non-transitive reading. Similar remarks hold also for the adjective vrastos (boiled) (cf. also 1). 3. The values of the referent of these adjectives belong to a subset of the set of the values of the referent of the subject of the verb they are derived from.

3 Group 2antistreptos (inverted), vatos (passable), detos (tied, fastened), dieretos (divisible), dialitos (soluble), diastaltos (dilatable), ektatos (extendable), thnitos (mortal),

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

kinitos (mobile), memptos (blamed), metavlitos (changeable), plotos (navigable, oating), refstos ( uid), sirtos (dragging), tmitos (segmented), trotos (vulnerable), fthartos (perishable), foritos (portable) The adjectives included in this group denote that their referent satis es the presuppositions to participate in the event denoted by the verb. This kind of semantics is totally di erent from the semantics of the adjectives ending in -tos we have seen so far, which referred to the characteristic state that is in many ways similar to the state which is considered to be the result of the action denoted by the verb. The semantics of the adjectives of this group is not related to any result at all. For example, somebody or something is characterised as being kinitos (mobile), because he/it has all the characteristics which enable him/it to move and not because he/it is in a\mobile state". One way to check this di erence is given in the following examples: (15) I dialites ousies tha the(det,fem,nom,pl) soluble(adj,fem,nom,pl) substance(fem,nom,pl) will dialithoun amesos molis anevi i be-solve-PASS-3-pl immediately after rise-3-sg the(det,fem,nom,sing) thermokrasia. temperature(fem,nom,sing)\The soluble substances will be solved as soon as the temperature rises".

(16) *To psito kreas tha the(det,neut,nom,sing) baked(adj,neut,nom,sing) meat(neut,nom,sing) will psithi grigora. be-bake-PASS-3-sg soon *\The baked meat will be baked soon". The adjectives ending in -tos which denote a presupposition of some sort are semantically closer to the adjectives ending in -simos in Modern Greek than the adjectival participles ending in -menos . The adjectives ending in -simos in Modern Greek also denote satisfaction of a presupposition of some sort. In some cases, these adjectives are synonymous to the corresponding adjectives ending in -tos: (17) Akou ta nea! Me listen-IMP-PRES-3-sg the(det,neut,acc,sing) news(neut,acc,sing) with ton neo nomo, the(det,masc,acc,sing) new(adj,masc,acc,sing) nomo(masc,acc,sing) to ikopedo sto the(det,neut,nom,sing) building-plot(neut,nom,sing) on-the(det,neut,acc,sing) nisi ine ikodomisimo. island(neut,acc,sing) be-3-sg t-for-b

uilding(adj,neut,nom,sing)\Listen to the news! According to the new law, the building plot on the island is t for building". 8

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

As far as Kormoulis's 6] dictionary is concerned, we noticed that the number of the adjectives ending in -tos which denote presupposition is de nitely smaller (1/4 approximately) than the number of the adjectives which denote the characteristic state. What we notice generally is that to a great extent the adjectives in -tos which denote ability are morphologically related to verbs in Ancient Greek, most of which have disappeared in Modern Greek or they are used rarely (cf. the Ancient Greek verbs: veno (to pass), ektino (to extend), thnisko (to die), memfome (to accuse), oro (to see), strefo (to turn), tmo (to cut), fero (to carry)). On one occasion only the Ancient and the Modern Greek adjective in -tos co-exist. It is in the pair tmitos (Ancient Greek)-koftos (Modern Greek) (segmented). The Modern Greek adjective koftos denotes one side of the characteristic state (if (segmented) then (abrupt)). The Ancient Greek adjective tmitos denotes presupposition (the solid object which can undergo a sudden and mechanic abruption of its continuity). Moreover, many of these adjectives are now used rather as scienti c terms (antistreptos (inverted), dieretos (divisible), dialitos (soluble), ektatos (extendable), refstos ( uid), metavlitos (changeable), tmitos (segmented)) than as colloqualisms. For all these reasons, we believe that these adjectives are only morphologically related to the adjectives presented in Section 2. Their di erent semantics makes us believe that these adjectives are one more sign of the\survival" of the Ancient Greek in Modern Greek (cf. also 4).

4 Adjectives in -tos derived from perception and psychological

predicates

*esthitos (perceptible), antiliptos (comprehensible), aptos (tangible), gnostos (known), *katanoitos (comprehensible), *oratos (visible) *agapitos (loved, lovable, amiable), anektos (tolerable), *arestos (likeable), *varetos (boring), zileftos (enviable), thavmastos (admirable) *latreftos (adorable), laxtaristos (desirable), * (hated), *pothitos (desirable), *sevastos (respected), ipofertos (tolerable), frixtos (horrible) The adjectives included in this group are derived from perception and psychological predicates. Some of these adjectives are found only in collocations or idiomatic expressions: egine antiliptos (he was understood), ta provlimata ine apta (the problems are tangible). We are not interested in the semantics of such adjectives. Some others could be registered in the same group with the adjectives discussed in 2.1 because they denote a state related to the result of the verbal action: for example, the adjective gnostos (known). Additionally, there are adjectives in this group which exclusively denote ability (these are the ones above without the star). Finally, the starred examples above seem to allow two readings: one related to the characteristic state and one related to

the expression of ability. Which state, though, is a\characteristic state" in the case of the psychological predicates? To answer this question, we will consider the case of the psych verb agapo (love). The characteristic state holds in the case when the object of the emotion (love) is in the state where it would be if it were loved. This reading holds, for instance, in the following: 9

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

(18) O agapitos se olous the(det,masc,nom,sing) loved(adj,masc,nom,sing) to all(masc,acc,pl) mas kirios A. tha ekfonisi tin cl(masc,acc,sing) sir(masc,nom,sing) A. will deliver the(det,fem,acc,sing) enarktirio omilia. inaugural(adj,fem,acc,sing) speech(fem,acc,sing)\Dear Mr. A. will deliver the inaugural speech". On the contrary, the use of the adjective in the next example allows only the reading which refers to the ful lment of presuppositions: (19) O Giannis ine anthropos the(det,masc,nom,sing) Giannis(masc,nom,sing) be-3-sg man(masc,nom,sing) agapitos kai tha ton agapisi kai agapitos(adj,masc,nom,sing) and will cl(masc,acc,sing) love and i pethera tou. the(det,fem,nom,sing) mother-in-law(fem,nom,sing) his(masc,gen,sing)\John is an amiable person. His mother in law will love him as well". Putting the adjectives of this group into syntactic environments similar to the one of the example (18) above, we come up with the following expressions (which are not accepted by all the native speakers of Modern Greek): agapitos se (loved to), arestos se (likeable to), varetos se/gia (boting to/for), latreftos se (adorable to), misitos se (hated to), pothitos apo (desirable by), sevastos se (respected to), gnostos se (known to), katanoitos se (comprehensible to), oratos se (visible to), ipofertos se/apo (tolerable to/by), frixtos (horrible to). There are a lot of problems with this data, though: 1. Why do some adjectives, like agapitos (loved, amiable),\survive" with both the readings, while most of the adjectives ending in -tos accept only one of the readings we have seen so far (either the one denoting characteristic state or the one denoting ful lment of a presupposition)? 2. Why can the characteristic state of these adjectives be accompanied by a Prepositional Phrase which denotes the experiencer of the emotion or perception? In the present discussion we will try to provide an answer only to the rst question. The second one is an issue requiring further investigation. The characteristic state which is related to the verb agapo (to love) is the state in which somebody would be if he were loved. This state, though, does not di er in any way from the state in which the same person would be if he had not been the object of anybody's love. In the case of the perception and psychological predicates the stimulus which causes the psychological or the cognitive reaction remains completely intact and una ected by the reaction itself. The participant, if any, who may be a ected is the experiencer. The characteristic state of the object of the cognitive or the psychological pr

ocess does not di er at all in this respect from the state of 10

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

an object which ful ls all the presuppositions to stimulate such kind of processes, since the characteristic state only con rms the fact that this kind of properties exist. Thus, both readings are possible and eligible for most of the adjectives included in this group.

5 Collocationsgemistos (stu ed): tomates gemistes (stu ed tomatoes) dagotos (bitten): dagoti psifos (bitten vote) kinitos (mobile): kinito tilefono (mobile phone) orkotos (sworn): orkotos logistis (sworn accountant) sourotos (strained): souroto rizi (strained rice) fouskotos (pu ed): fouskoti koukla (pu ed doll) xtipitos (scrambled): xtipito avgo (scrambled egg) The adjectives included in this group seem to behave like pseudo-adjectives. The adjectives in the collocations above seem to fall in the diagnostics for the de nition of pseudo-adjectives in Modern Greek proposed by Anastasiadi-Simeonidi 1994]. These diagnostics contrast the syntactic behaviour of the pseudo-adjectives to the syntactic behaviour of the qualitative adjectives and they are the following: 1. The qualitative adjectives can be freely used as complements, while the pseudoadjectives cannot 2. The pseudo-adjectives do not gradate, like many qualitative adjectives. E.g. *poli eggios gineka (*very pregnant woman) 3. The qualitative adjectives belong to the dual contrast: psilos (tall)/kontos (short), while the pseudo-adjectives belong to the multiple contrast: autosxedia bomba (improvised bomb)/empristiki bomba (incendiary bomb) 4. The pseudo-adjectives do not coordinate with the qualitative adjectives The collocations we have shown above generally behave as units and the adjectives in -tos as pseudo-adjectives, according to the diagnostics (1)-(4). The semantics of the adjectives in -tos found in such expressions varies. Sometimes it denotes that the noun is in the characteristic state: avgo xtipito (scrambled egg), while in other cases it seems to denote some property of the noun which is though unrelated to a presupposition or a result of any kind: the (mobile telecommunications) kiniti tilefonia neither can nor are able to move. Thus, it seems that in these cases the lexical character of the collocations does not permit their compositional reading.

6 Summarizing...The detailed classi cation of the Modern Greek adjectives ending in -tos we have done so far shows the following as far as their semantics is concerned: 11

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

1. Two systematic readings of these adjectives co-exist. The rst one, which characterizes the best number of the adjectives in -tos in Modern Greek, denotes that the referent of the adjective is in the so-called throughout this paper\characteristic state". The second reading denotes that the referent of the adjective is in a state in which it ful ls the presuppositions to participate in the action denoted by the verb. 2. The characteristic state is similar to the result of the action denoted by the verb but not identical to it

. More speci cally, its semantics does not refer at all to the controller, or the cause that brings about the action denoted by the verb, or even the participants in such an action. The possibility of the linguistic distinction between two kinds of a state, i.e.,\the state as an independent property", and\the state as a result of an action denoted by a verb", has been used as a basic tool in the analysis of the notions which are encoded by the language (cf. Dowty's analysis 1991] for aspect). What is interesting is that Modern Greek has the morphological means to make this distinction. We will come back to this point in the next section. 3. In general, the adjectives ending in -tos in Modern Greek show one of the two readings mentioned above. The adjectives in -tos, though, which are related to the psychological or perception predicates show both. This seems to be related to the lexical semantics of these adjectives and their corresponding verbs. 4. The adjective's referent may correspond to di erent syntactic arguments of the corresponding verb. Most of the times, though, it corresponds to the referent of the verb's object, if the verb is transitive (cf., for instance, vrastos (boiled)). If the verb is intransitive, the adjective's referent corresponds to the referent of the verb's subject (cf., for instance, kelaristos (babbled)), or even more rarely, to the referent of an oblique argument (cf., for instance, frixtos (horrible)). This means that the referent of the adjectives ending in -tos in Modern Greek never refers to the cause of the action denoted by the verb, which is syntactically realized in the subject position of a transitive verb. In general, the controllers of an action denoted by a verb (which are always syntactically realized in the subject position of a transitive verb) do not qualify as referents of the Modern Greek adjectives ending in -tos . In the case of intransitive verbs such as the verb gelo (laugh), the controller of the action denoted by the verb is the subject of the verb which also undergoes the results of the action. The ending -tos seems to be able to show the state of the participant denoting the object of the verbal action, not the participant denoting its controller. In the following section we will look closer at the contrast between the deverbal adjectives in -tos and the adjectival participles in -menos .

7 The contrast between the adjectival participles in -menos and

the deverbal adjectives in -tos

Our basic conclusion is that the adjectival participles in -menos show the result of the action denoted by the verb, while the deverbal adjectives in -tos show the state which corresponds to the result of the action denoted by the verb, leaving thus aside some of the components of the verbal semantics. In this section we will try to establish further this idea naming one 12

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

of these\ignored" semantic components. The literature has focused so far on the question whether the words ending in -menos in Modern

Greek are adjectives or they bear a verbal nature, i.e., they are participles. If they are adjectives, then the expressions ime -menos (be -menos) are phrase structures consisting of the auxiliary ime (be) and a complement (cf., for instance, Mozer 1993]). If they are participles, then the structures ime -menos (be -menos) are periphrastic expressions of the Passive Present Perfect (Present Perfect B') in Modern Greek (cf., for instance, Veloudis 1990]). The researchers who adopt the former view claim that the semantics of the words ending in -menos is the same with the semantics of the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos and consider that the expressions ine anigmenos/klismenos (be open/close) and ine anixtos/klistos (be open/close) are synonyms (cf., for instance, Mozer 1993]). We have already given some examples in which we show that this equation does not have an empirical basis (cf., for instance, (12)-(14)). In the following we will give some more examples to show that the words ending in -menos bear more verbal characteristics than the deverbal adjectives in -tos: (20) I porta itan anig-meni the(det,fem,nom,sing) door(fem,nom,sing) be-PAST-3-sg open(part,fem,nom,sing) apo tous astinomikous me losto. by the(det,masc,acc,pl) policemen(masc,acc,pl) with metal-bar(masc,acc,sing)\The door was opened by the policemen with a metal bar". (21) Vrikan tin porta anig-meni nd-PAST-3-pl the(det,fem,acc,sing) door(fem,acc,sing) open(part,fem,acc,sing) me losto. with metal-bar(masc,acc,sing)\They found that the door was opened with a metal bar". (22) I porta itan anix-ti the(det,fem,nom,sing) door(fem,nom,sing) be-PAST-3-sg open(adj,fem,nom,sing) (*apo tous astinomikous) (*me losto). *by the(det,masc,acc,pl) policemen(masc,acc,pl) *with metal-bar(masc,acc,sing)\The door was open (*by the policemen) (*with a metal-bar)". (23) Vrikan tin porta anix-ti nd-PAST-3-pl the(det,fem,acc,sing) door(fem,acc,sing) open(adj,fem,acc,sing) (*me losto). *with metal-bar(masc,acc,sing)\They found the door open (*with a metal-bar). In example (20) the periphrasis itan anig-meni (was opened) has a complement which denotes the\agent" and a complement which denotes the\instrument". Both of these 13

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

complements correspond to verbal complements, such as the logical subject and the de nition of the instrument: (24) I astinomiki anixan the(det,masc,nom,pl) policemen(masc,nom,pl) open-PAST-3-pl tin porta me losto. the(det,fem,acc,sing) door(fem,acc,sing) with metal-bar(masc,acc,sing)\The policemen opened the door with a metal bar". In example (21) the word in -menos appears in an adjective's typical position as a complement (cf., for instance, Tzartzanos 1964]). It allows, though, the co-appearance in the same sentence of a complement which denotes the\instrument", showing thereby its\verbal" nature. In contrast, the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos do not allow the co-appearance in the same sentence of such complements (cf., for instance, (22) above), showing thereb

y that their nature is\less verbal". More evidence for the\verbal" nature of the words ending in -menos comes from the incorporation phenomena. Thus, the words ending in -menos form compounds with adverbs of manner such as kala (well), kaka (badly), proxira (o hand) etc. (cf., for instance, (25) below), exactly like the verbs (cf., for instance, (26) below), while the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos do not (cf., for instance, (27) below). It must be underlined that this happens even when the words ending in -menos appear in an adjective's typical position, i.e., for example, after verbs like fenome (seem), dixno (show), etc.: (25) Afta ta papoutsia mou these(neut,nom,pl) the(det,neut,nom,pl) shoe(neut,nom,pl) to-me(cl,gen,sing) fenonte proxiroftiag-mena. seem-3-pl made-o -hand(part,neut,nom,pl)\These shoes seem to me to be made o hand". (26) Tha ta proxirorapso ta papoutsia will-1-sg cl(neut,acc,pl) stich-o -hand-1-sg the(det,neut,acc,pl) shoe(neut,acc,pl) tora ke tha ta doso ston now and will-1-sg cl(neut,acc,pl) give-1-sg to-the(det,masc,acc,sing) tsaggari aurio. shoemaker(masc,acc,sing) tomorrow\I will stich these shoes o hand now and I will give them to the shoemaker tomorrow". (27) *Afta ta papoutsia mou these(neut,nom,pl) the(det,neut,nom,pl) shoe(neut,nom,pl) to-me(cl,gen,sing) fenonte proxiroraf-ta. seem-3-pl stiched-o -hand(adj,neut,nom,pl)\These shoes seem to me to be stiched-o -hand". 14

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

On the other hand, the researchers who adopt the latter view (cf., for instance, Veloudis 1990]) claim that the structures ime -menos (be -menos) are periphrastic expressions of the Passive Present Perfect (Present Perfect B') in Modern Greek and they have a verbal character. The following examples show that sometimes the periphrases ime -menos (be -menos) have a phrase structure similar to the phrase structure auxiliary\be"-complement: (28) To mpouti ine poli the(det,neut,nom,sing) thigh(neut,nom,sing) be-3-sg very psi-meno apo tin pano roasted(part,neut,nom,sing) from the(det,fem,acc,sing) upper(fem,acc,sing) meria pou ekege o side(fem,acc,sing) where burn-PAST-3-sg the(det,masc,nom,sing) fournos alla apo tin kato ine oven(masc,nom,sing) but from the(det,fem,acc,sing) bottom(fem,acc,sing) be-3-sg sxedon apsi-to. almost uncooked(adj,neut,nom,sing)\The thigh is overroasted on the upper side where the oven was burning but on the bottom side it is almost uncooked". (29) To kotopoulo itan pio the(det,neut,nom,sing) chicken(neut,nom,sing) be-PAST-3-sg more psi-meno apo to arni. roasted(part,neut,nom,sing) than the(det,neut,nom,sing) lamb(neut,nom,sing)\The chicken was cooked more than the lamb". (30) To kotopoulo mou fenete the(det,neut,nom,sing) chicken(neut,nom,sing) to-me(cl,gen,sing) seem-3-sg psi-meno. roasted(part,neut,nom,sing)\The chicken seems done to me". The examples above show that the words in -menos have a verbal nature, but at the same time they can appear in adjectives' typical positions. In the following we will try to invest

igate some of the components of the verbal character of the participles in -menos . These components are absent in the deverbal adjectives ending in -tos . We assume that each predicate is linked to its semantics which consists of a group of semantic arguments that are related to each other by some logic variable. This assumption is deliberately very general in order to allow exibility as far as the semantic structure of the predicates is concerned. We are not interested here neither in the variety of the semantic arguments nor in their number. 1. The participles ending in -menos allow for a complement which denotes the\instrument" (cf., for instance (33) below), while the same does not happen with the deverbal adjectives in -tos . This complement is linked to the existence of a semantic argument 15

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

which denotes volitionality. For instance, Giannis in example (31) below is a volitional participant in the event described by the verb, while o aeras (the air) in example (32) denotes only the cause that brings about the event described by the verb: (31) O Giannis espase the(det,masc,nom,sing) Giannis(masc,nom,sing) break-PAST-3-sg to parathiro. the(det,neut,acc,sing) window(neut,nom,sing)\John broke the window". (32) *O aeras espase the(det,masc,nom,sing) air(masc,nom,sing) break-PAST-3-sg to tzami me to the(det,neut,acc,sing) window(neut,acc,sing) with the(det,neut,acc,sing) tasaki. ashtray(neut,acc,sing)\*The air broke the window with the ashtray". It seems that a semantic argument which denotes volitionality is available to the participles in -menos but not to the deverbal adjectives in -tos: (33) Afta ta papoutsia mou these(neut,nom,pl) the(det,neut,nom,pl) shoe(neut,nom,pl) to-me(cl,gen,sing) fenonte ra-mena me spago. seem-3-pl stiched(part,neut,nom,sing) with string(masc,acc,sing)\These shoes seem to me to be stiched with string". (34) Afta ta papoutsia mou these(neut,nom,pl) the(det,neut,nom,pl) shoe(neut,nom,pl) to-me(cl,gen,sing) fenonte raf-ta (*me spago). seem-3-pl stiched(part,neut,nom,sing) with string(masc,acc,sing)\These shoes seem to me to be stiched with string". 2. In many cases the participles in -menos allow for an apo (by)-PP as a complement. Among others, the apo (by)-PP in Modern Greek denotes the AGENT in passive sentences and also the CAUSE. In contrast, the deverbal adjectives in -tos do not allow for such a complement: (35) To spiti fenotan the(det,neut,nom,sing) house(neut,nom,sing) seem-PAST-3-sg egataleli-meno apo tous abandoned(part,neut,nom,sing) by the(det,masc,acc,pl) katikous tou. inhabitant(masc,acc,sing) its(cl,neut,gen,sing) 16

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

\The house seemed abandoned by its inhabitants". (36) To spiti fenotan the(det,neut,nom,sing) house(neut,nom,sing) seem-PAST-3-sg rimag-meno apo tin fotia. destroyed(part,neut,nom,sing) by the(det,fem,acc,sing) re(fem,acc,sing)\The house seemed destroyed by the re". (37) Vrika to fagito nd-PAST-1-sg the(det,neut,acc,sing) food(neut,acc,sing) magire-meno apo tin Eleni. cooked(pa

rt,neut,acc,sing) by the(det,fem,acc,sing) Eleni(fem,acc,sing)\I found out that Helen had cooked the food". (38) To stifado fenete the(det,neut,nom,sing) stew(neut,nom,sing) seem-3-sg apo mastorisa. ftiag-meno cooked(part,neut,nom,sing) by master-chef(fem,acc,sing)\The stew seems to be cooked by a master chef". (39) *Ta papoutsia mou fenonte the(det,neut,nom,pl) shoe(neut,nom,pl) to-me(cl,gen,sing) seem-3-pl raf-ta apo empiro stiched(adj,neut,nom,pl) by experienced(masc,acc,sing) tsagari. shoemaker(masc,acc,sing)\The shoes seem to me stiched by an experienced shoemaker". Similar phenomena can be found in English as well. According to Quirk et al. 1985], the participles ending in -ed in English can co-occur with very and a by -PP, when the prepositional phrase denotes a\nonpersonal semi-agent": (40) I am very disturbed by your attitude. The personal agents are not excluded either: (41)?I was very in uenced by my college professors. The above shows that the participles in -menos bear one semantic argument more than the deverbal adjectives in -tos: the agent or the cause that brings about the action denoted by the verb. This semantic component allows for the semantic component of the instrument. Thus, it seems that the contrast verb/adjective is not vertical in Modern Greek, but there are indermediate, transitional linguistic types. The words in -menos seem to function both as participles and as adjectives with a more\dynamic" semantic dimension than their 17

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

corresponding adjectives in -tos . Modern Greek has the morphological means to denote such a contrast.

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uistics, 1984, Thessaloniki. 14]Stavropoulos, D.N. 1988. Oxford Greek-English Learner's Dictionary . Oxford. 15]Tzartzanos, A. 1964. Modern Greek Syntax . Athens. 16]Veloudis, G. 1990. The meta-linguistic character of the Perfect. Perfect B'.Studies in Greek Linguistics, 26-28 April 1990, Thessaloniki.

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