罗兰德在中国城镇化报告宣讲会上的讲话中英对照

罗兰德在中国城镇化报告宣讲会上的讲话

emarks by World Bank Country Director for China Klaus Rohland: Building More Efficient Cities in China

世界银行中国局局长罗兰德在中国城镇化报告宣讲会上的讲话——“中国构建更高效城市”

ECOSOC Integration Segment 联合国总部经社理事会会议厅 New York, United States 纽约，美国 May 28, 2014 2014年5月28日

Thank you, Dr. Clos, Ambassador Wang, Dr. Ba, for this wonderful event. As Dr. Ba has mentioned, our report, Urban China, was jointly produced by the Development Research Center and the World Bank over the last year. It follows on the heels of the China 2030 Report that DRC and the World Bank did two years ago. Both reports were done at the request of China’s leaders and we are proud of the excellent relationship and, dare I say, the friendship developed between the team members of the DRC and the World Bank over these years.

感谢克洛斯博士、王民大使、巴博士组织了此次宣讲会。正如巴博士所言，《中国：推进高效、包容、可持续的城镇化》报告由国务院发展研究中心（国研中心）和世行在过去一年中联合编制。该报告是继两年前国研中心和世行联合编写的《2030年的中国》报告之后的又一重要报告。两份报告均应中国政府领导人要求编写。这些年来，国研中心团队成员和世行团队成员之间建立了良好关系，同时，请允许我冒昧地说，也建立了深厚友谊。我们对这一关系和友谊感到自豪。 Our cooperation has offered us a unique opportunity to bring local expertise and global knowledge together. DRC, as you all know, is a preeminent think tank in China under the State Council, with an impressive capacity for research and valuable insights into policy making in China. The World Bank can bring to the table its global knowledge about what has worked and what hasn’t in other countries. Fusing local and global knowledge and building on comparative advantages is the way ahead for the World Bank, as our client countries are getting ever more sophisticated. I believe that we have charted a path for new ways of doing business for international institutions through our work.

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双方的合作为我们汇聚本地专业知识和全球知识提供了独特契机。正如在座的诸位所知，国研中心是中国国务院下属的一个卓越智库，具备很强的政策研究能力和决策洞察力。世行能够带来其全球知识，介绍其它国家已奏效和未奏效的措施。随着我们的借款客户国变得愈发成熟且有经验，融合本地知识和全球知识以及发挥其比较优势将是世行今后采取的策略。我认为，通过我们的工作，我们已经为国际机构开展业务的新方式引领了路径。

Let us talk about urbanisation in China. You are all aware of the facts. In the past 30 years, urbanization has contributed enormously to economic growth and

modernization in China. About 500 million people have been lifted out of poverty and about 260 million migrated to cities to seek better opportunities. Today, China’s mega cities have income levels comparable with those of some OECD countries. Importantly, China has avoided some of the common ills of urbanization, notably urban poverty, unemployment and squalor.

接下来，我谈谈中国的城镇化。在座的各位都深谙实际情况。过去三十年来，城镇化对中国经济增长和现代化作出了巨大贡献。约5亿人脱贫，约2.6亿人流入城市，寻找更好的就业和发展机会。如今，中国特大城市的收入水平与一些经合组织国家特大城市的收入水平相当。突出的一点是，中国成功地避免了城镇化的一些常见病，尤其是城镇贫困、失业和环境脏乱差等问题。

Urbanization has been a global phenomenon since the onset of the industrial revolution in the 18th century. In England, for example, the share of urban population rose from 17% at the beginning of the 19th century to 72% some 90 years later. Countries experience urbanization spurts, such as the United States of America, as well as England in the mid-to-late 19th century and Germany around the turn of the 19th to the 20th century. Urbanization rates increased in Japan later during the last century and in Korea after 1960. Sometime during the first decade of this century, the tide turned and more than 50% of the world’s population were living in cities. By 2050, it is projected that more than 60% of the developing world and a staggering 85% of the developed world will be urbanized.

城镇化是18世纪工业革命以来的一个全球性现象。例如，英国城镇人口占比从19世纪初的17%提高到90年后的72%。不少国家均经历了“井喷式”城镇化，譬如美国、19世纪中后期的英国以及19世纪和20世纪之交的德国。上世纪，日本城镇化提速；1960年以后，韩国城镇化也是如此。本世纪头十年，城镇化浪潮转向发展中国家，全世界半数以上人口在城市居住。预计到2050年，发展中国家的城镇化率将超过60%，发达国家将达到令人惊愕的85%。

The trend is clear. It is also unstoppable: all countries of the world will urbanize, each in their own ways and at their own pace, of course, but urbanize they will. And

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urbanisation does not happen by administrative fiat or by policy choice. The challenge for governments around the world is to manage it in such a way that their countries and their people benefit from it to the maximum possible. And that is also what the Prime Minister of China had in mind, when, in November 2013, he proposed that the DRC and World Bank work on urbanization.

城镇化趋势明朗，也不可阻挡：世界各国将通过各自路径并以其自身速度实现城镇化。城镇化不会借助行政命令或政策选择而实现。世界各国政府面临的挑战在于有效管理城镇化进程，使其国家和人民最大限度地从城镇化受益。这一点也是中国国务院总理2013年11月建议国研中心和世行就城镇化开展研究时的考虑。 Urbanization is linked to productivity growth. China’s economy needs this for its future economic development. Most of the observers agree: China’s growth model of the last 30 years has run its course. I would like to highlight three points to make the case.

城镇化与生产率提高密切相关。中国未来经济发展需要城镇化。大多数观察人士认为，中国过去三十年来采用的增长模式已完成其使命。在此，我主要提三点来印证这一说法。

First, China, as it moves to the technological frontier, can no longer benefit from the advantages of backwardness, as it did in the last 30 years. Second, the demographic dividend of China—a young population with concomitant low labor cost—is also diminishing, as China’s demographic profile is turning. Within this decade, some say as early as 2016, more people will leave than enter the workforce. Needless to say, this will have huge implications for wages and increase labor cost. Fewer people will have to work more efficiently: Productivity will be the new source for economic growth. And productivity and its twin, innovation, are intrinsically linked to urban agglomerations.

首先，随着中国逐步走向技术前沿，已不再能够像过去三十年那样从落后的优势中受益。其次，中国的人口红利——年轻人口与低劳动力成本并存——也在减少，因为中国的人口结构正在转变。在这个十年内，有些人认为最早在2016年，更多人将脱离而不是加入劳动力队伍。毋庸置疑，这将会对工资水平产生巨大影响，并将增加劳动力成本。劳动力减少后，人们就必须要提高工作效率：生产率将成为新的经济增长源。生产率及其孪生姊妹——创新与城镇集群密不可分。 Finally, China is also constrained by one overarching consideration: Climate change and the need for mitigation. Adaptation to global warming will limit its choices for growth. Earlier on, developed countries of today were ignorant of the dangers of climate change and built their progress on, what we by now know, unsustainable strategies. There is a limit to economic growth based on the exploitation of natural

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resources. Learning from this experience, before becoming rich, China has to shift to a new strategy to make sure that its development is sustainable for China, as well as for the rest of the world.

最后，中国也受到了一个首要考虑的制约：气候变化及缓解其影响的必要性。适应全球变暖趋势将限制其对增长方式的选择。早年间，发达国家忽视了气候变化的威胁，将其发展寄托在现在我们知道是不可持续的战略之上。依托利用自然资源来发展经济，则会制约经济增长。基于这一经验，在成为富裕国家之前，中国必须要转而采用新战略，确保其发展具备可持续性，这不仅对其自身有益，对世界其它国家也将有益。

Sustainable urbanization is at the center of such a new strategy. It must address the problem of urban sprawl in China: its cities are growing much faster in space than in population. The effects are clear, as air pollution and its long-term effects have become a pressing concern for citizens. Traffic congestions are occurring daily in China’s metropolises, wasting energy and time. The cost of infrastructure, such as water supply, roads and public transportation, will rise to unsustainable levels. Efficient and sustainable spatial development will be a priority.

可持续城镇化是这一新战略的核心。可持续城镇化必须要回应中国城市蔓延问题：中国城市空间增速大大快于城市人口增速。城市蔓延的影响显而易见，因为空气污染及其长期影响已成为市民的一大急需解决的问题。在中国的大都市，交通拥堵每天都在发生，不仅浪费了能源，也浪费了时间。供水、道路和公共交通等基础设施的成本将增至不可持续的水平。高效、可持续的空间开发将成为一大要务。

China’s urbanization also has come at a social cost. There is a growing welfare gap between urban and rural populations. The working young are moving into the cities, yet the old and the very young are left behind in the remote countryside, the villages and hamlets of rural China. If unattended, this gap may well turn into a chasm. There is another gap within cities, between those registered as citizens and those who have migrated to the city, with fewer rights and lesser access to public services.

中国的城镇化也造成了社会代价。城乡人口福利方面的差距不断拉大。年轻的劳动适龄人群流入城市，老人和儿童被留在偏远乡村。如不加以解决，这一差距很有可能变为难以弥合的沟壑。在城市里，在城市户籍居民和外来人口中间也存在差距，后者获得公共服务的权利和渠道较少。

Three considerations must therefore shape a new urbanization strategy. The urban economy should be efficient in productivity and innovation. It should provide social justice and equal access to social services, which will help address the rural-urban

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inequality, as well as within-city inequality. Also, the issue of sustainability looms large in the minds of the Chinese people.

因此，在形成新的城镇化战略之前，必须要考虑三大因素。城镇经济在生产率和创新方面应实现高效；城镇经济应保障社会公正和公共服务均等化，这将有助于缩小城乡差异和城市内部差异；此外，可持续性问题已成为中国人思考的重要问题。

Let me briefly outline the policy areas for reform that our study identifies. Some of those proposed reforms have already been announced by the Chinese government as policies, in parallel to our work. Indeed, as we worked on our ideas, there has been a constant exchange between policy makers and the study team. This was indeed policy advice in real time.

请允许我简要介绍一下本报告提出的建议改革的政策领域。在我们开展研究工作的同时，部分改革建议已被中国政府所采纳作为政策宣布。在我们研究过程中，在政府决策者和研究团队之间有着频繁的交流，实际是一种实时的政策建议。 The efficiency of cities is really about improving the density of cities. Sprawling urban conglomerations entail huge costs. Think of the infrastructure for roads, water, sewerage and public transportation. It also stands in the way of improving productivity and innovation, which require cooperation between research and production, between all economic sectors, to achieve a synergy, as well as a

productive, well-educated workforce. Think of cities like Stockholm, Barcelona or the Boston metropolitan area, as good examples. All of these are intimately related to the spatial dimension of cities.

城市效率的真正内容是提高城市密度。不断蔓延的城市集群会产生巨大成本，如道路、供水和污水设施以及公共交通等基础设施的成本，也会阻碍提高生产率和促进创新。提高生产率和促进创新需要研究与生产部门之间加强合作，各经济部门之间加强合作，这样才能做到协同一致，打造出高生产率、高素质的劳动力队伍。斯德哥尔摩、巴塞罗那和波士顿等城市就是这方面的范例。所有这些都与城市的空间格局密切相关。

It may come as a surprise to many, but Chinese cities are not dense. Guangzhou, for example, could accommodate 4.2 million more people, had it the density of Seoul in Korea. Actually, many modern Chinese cities have dense city cores. But beyond the third ring road in Beijing, the urban sprawl begins. And that is where density efficiencies can be achieved, and where they should be achieved.

中国城市密度不大，这一点可能会令许多人吃惊。例如，广州要达到首尔的密度，还可以增加4200万人。实际上，中国许多现代化城市的中心区密度较大。但是，

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